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/ 



OGIER GHISELIN 
DE BUSBECQ 



VOL. U. 



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^0 



( TTie rights of transtatipn and of reproduction are reserved) 



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THE ■ 

LIFE AND LETTERS 

OF / / / ^f (^^ 

OGIER GHISELIN DE BUSBBCQ 

SEIGNEUR OF BOUSBECQUE 
KNIGHT, IMPERIAL AMBASSADOR 

BY 

CHARLES THORNTON FORSTER, M.A. 

Laie Fellow of yesus ColUgtt Cambridge : Vicar qf Hinxton 
AND 

F. H. BLACKBURNE DANIELL, M.A. 

Late Fellow of Trinity ColUget Cambridge : Barrister'at-Law 



Tlo\\S»v Mp^wy 1^€y Hurrta kcU y6oy tyvta 



IN TWO VOLUMES 

VOL. IL 



LONDON 
C. KEGAN PAUL & CO., i PATERNOSTER SQUARE 

1881 



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CONTENTS 

OF 

THE SECOND VOLUME. 



PAGE 

Leitkrs fkom France to Maximilian— I.-XXXVII. . . 3 
„ „ „ RoDOLPH—I.-LVIII. . . 141 

Appendix 265 

Inpex 311 



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LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 



Book I. 
LETTERS TO MAXIMILIAN. 



vou 11. 



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In illustrating Busbecq's letters from France reference is fre- 
quently made to contemporary writers, and it may be useful to the 
reader to have some idea of their different characters, and positions, 
and of the historical value of their statements. 

(i). J. A. de Thou, the historian, son of Christopher de Thou, Presi- 
dent of the Parliament of Paris. Jurist and statesman. Busbecq*s inti- 
mate friend and warm admirer. Quoted as Thuanus, Edition, Geneva, 
1620, &c. 

(2). Pierre de TEstoile. Audiencier de la Chancellerie de Paris. A 
quiet man, who took no part in politics. He kept a diary which is gene- 
rally known as Journal de Henri III. and Henri /F., but is really his 
own private diary during the reigns of those monarchs. Quoted as De 
PEstoile, Edition, Paris, 1875, &c. 

(3). Pierre de Bourdeille, Abbd and Seigneur of Brant6me. Soldier 
and courtier. Gentleman of the Chamber to Charies IX. and Henri III. 
His ideas are those of the French Court of that period, and consequently 
his standard of morality is very low. He was a friend of Alen^on, du 
Guast, Bussy,de Viteaux, La Noue, &c., and a great admirer of Margue- 
rite, to whom he dedicated several of his works. Having been disabled 
by a fall from his horse, he devoted his last years to writing memoirs of 
the celebrated men and women he had known, a treatise on duelling, &c. 
Quoted as Brantdme, Edition, Paris, 1822. 

(4). Marguerite de Valois, wife of Henry of Navarre, sister of Charles 
IX., Henri III., and Alen^on, wrote an autobiography which she addressed 
to Brant6me. Quoted as Mdmoires de Marguerite, Edition, Paris, 
1842. 

(5). Theodore Agrippa d'Aubign^. Friend and adherent of Henry of 
Navarre. He wrote a Histoire universelle and Mimoires, Quoted as 
Aubignd^ Histoire, Edition S. Jean d'Angely, 1616, &c. The Memoir es 
are quoted from the Pantheon Littdraire. Paris, 1836. 

(6). Louis Gonzaga, Due de Nevers. Soldier and statesman. The 
compilation known as his Memoirs is quoted as M^moires de Nevers, 
Edition, Paris, 1665. 

(7). Venetian ambassadors : — John Michel, sent in 1575 to congratu- 
late Henri III. on his coronation and marriage. Jerome Lippomano, am- 
bassador in 1577-1579. Their reports are contained in Collection de 
Documents in^dits sur V Histoire de France^ Premilre Sirie^ Relations 
des Ambassadeurs VMtiens, Quoted as Ambassadeurs Vdnitiens, 

(8). Guillaume and Michel Le Riche. Avocats du Roi at Saint-Maix- 
ent in Poitou. Their Journal is quoted as Le Riche, Edition, Saint- 
Maixent, 1846. 

(9). Famianus Strada. A Jesuit priest who wrote the history of the 
wars in the Netherlands. Motley has drawn largely from his work. 
Quoted as Strada, Edition, Rome, 1648. 



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LETTER I. 

Yesterday, August 21, I arrived at Speyer^ I stayed 
a day at Salzburg and another at Augsburg, \on account 
of my health. For at my third stage from Vienna an 
attack of haemorrhage came on, unaccompai^ied, how- 
ever, by pain, or any great derangement of the system. 
The physicians I consulted at Salzburg and Augsburg 
told me that, if I neglected it, the consequences might 
be serious, and ordered me to rest for some da^s. For 
my own part, till now I saw no reason for interrupting 
my journey for any length of time, but, as I observe 
that this trouble, whatever it may be, is aggravated by 
heat and motion, I intend to stay here over to-niorrow, 
for fear of more haste |)erhaps proving to be worse 
speed. In order to save time, I have abandoned my 
project of passing through the Netherlands, and intend 
to go directly to Metz by easy stages, as my health 
will not admit of rapid travelling. As to the King 
of France, I can learn nothing here ; no one knows 
where he is, but he is -said to be going straight to 
Rheims, which lies, I imagine, on my road, and I hope 
to get there before him. 

When I passed through Munich, the Duchess, the 
sister of your Majesty,^ who had lately returned from 
a visit, sent to me, and made particular inquiries about 
the health of your Majesty, of the Empress, and your 
children. She also gave me messages for the Queen 

* Albert III., Duke of Bavaria, married in 1546 Anne, daughter of 
Ferdinand, and had by her two sons, William, the hereditary Prince, his 
successor, and Ferdinand. 

B 2 



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LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 



of France, and sent letters to Augsburg next day for 
me to take to her. 

I was speaking to someone to-day who had come 
but lately from the Prince of Orange, and he said that 
negotiations^ for peace had been opened with him 
through St. Aldegonde, who was a prisoner in the 
hands of the Royalists. He represented the Prince 
as strongly inclined for peace, but said that the cities, 
which had called him in, were no less strongly opposed 
to it, and would rather suffer the worst extremity than 
trust themselves to the Spaniards, or send Orange 
away. The same person told me that Leyden was 
starving, and must soon surrender.^ The Prince, he 
said, was not to blame for it, but the inhabitants, who, 
having been repeatedly warned to lay in stores in time, 
had obstinately neglected to do so. He also informed 
me that the Spanish fleet, if it was really coming, was 
to sail round Scotland, and that Orange had set up 
false beacons and lights on the coast to draw it among 
the shoals and sandbanks. 

Perhaps the information I have sent your Majesty 
is not of much importance, still I feel sure that it will 
at least do no harm, and that with your accustomed 
graciousness you will not take my sending it amiss. I 
pray God to preserve your Majesty, and remain, &c. 

Speyer,' August 22, 1574.* 

* For details of these negotiations, see Motley, Rise of the Dutch Re- 
public Part IV., ch. iii. 

' See Motley, Dutch Republic^ Part IV. ch. ii. The siege was even- 
tually raised on October 3rd. 

* In the original the place is given as * Augustas ' = Augsburg ; but 
from the first line of the letter it appears it was written at Speyer. 
* Augustae ' is probably a mistake caused by * Augusti ' following imme- 
diately. 

* Nearly twelve years have elapsed since we parted company with 
Busbecq on his return from Turkey. A sketch of his life during this in- 
terval will be found in vol. i. pp. 59-64. We there expressed some doubt 



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ARRIVAL AT' PARIS. 



LETTER II. 

On September 2 I arrived at Meaux, fourteen ^ miles 
from Paris. My journey was delayed by want of post- 
horses, for, as the King* had just gone to Lyons, they 
had almost all been transferred to that road from their 
proper stations, and so for two days and nights I sailed 
down the Marne, but, as it winds very much before its 
confluence with the Seine, near Paris, I had to change 
my mode of travelling, and return to land. As no 
horses or carriages were to be had, I sent people to 
Paris to get some, and also to look for lodgings against 
our arrival. When the Queen, your Majesty's daughter, 
knew of this, she sent two of her own carriages, which 
brought me and my suite to Paris on the 4th. 

On that day the Queen^ wished me to rest, and did 
not send for me till the next day. I found her in 
excellent health, but her face was melancholy, and still 
showed traces of her recent loss. As I was going 
through the points mentioned in my instructions, she 
spoke gratefully of your Majesty's thinking of her and 
sending to console and visit her in her bereavement. 
She was not surprised, she added, at the deep regret 

as to whether there was any trustworthy authority for his visit to Spain in 
attendance on the younger Archdukes ; we have, however, since obtained 
evidence of it in the Archduke Albert's decree, creating the Barony of Bous- 
becque. In it are recited Busbecq's services, and amongst them this visit 
is mentioned. The date of the decree is September 30, 1600, and it states 
that the visit took place twenty-five years before. This is obviously an 
error, as we can account for his time from August 1574 to February 1576; 
in all probability the true date of the visit lies between the years 1 570, 
when Albert and Wenceslaus went to Spain with their sister Anne on her 
marriage to Philip II., and 1572, when we find Busbecq residing at 
Vienna. See vol. i. p. 62. 

* That is, about thirty-five English miles. See note, vol. i. p. 80. 

* For an account of this interesting lady, who was at this time barely 
twenty years of age, see note to Letter XXXVI. 



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LETTERS FROM FRANCE, 



expressed by your Majesty, for, indeed, her late Consort 
had always felt the warmest affection for you, and had 
always been most anxious to meet your wishes. She 
then made very minute inquiries about your Majesty's 
health. But, when I said that she must wait patiently 
till your Majesty should be able to decide, accord- 
ing to the turn events might take, whether she was 
to leave or stay, she gently replied, that all she asked 
was to be allowed to do that which was most useful 
and pleasing to her father. Our conversation then 
ended, and I received permission to retire. 

The next day the Queen again ordered me to be 
summoned, and during the interview I contrived to 
introduce the question of her marriage to the new King 
(Henry III.) by alluding to the reports now current ; 
many people set her down as his future bride, I re- 
marked, and if the union were to take place, it would, 
in my opinion, harmonise with your Majesty*s views 
and policy. Her reply was such as to make it perfectly 
plain the suggestion was by no means to her liking ; 
and yet I could see that she did not intend to be ob- 
stinate ; she will, I am sure, place herself in her father s 
hands, and further his interests and wishes by every 
means in her power.^ 

» After Henry III.'s flight from Poland, he stayed some time at 
Vienna, where Maximilian, through Pibrac, made overtures to him, offer- 
ing the hand of his daughter, the widowed Queen. Henry was under 
such great obligations to Maximilian, that he was disinclined to give 
a downright refusal. Thuanus, iii. p. 8. The following quotation from 
an account of Busbecq's Queen lyill show what these obligations were. 
' Or, estant veufve, plusieurs personnes dliommes et dames de la Court, 
des plus clair voyans que je sgay, eurent opinion que le Roy, k son retour 
de Pologne, Tespouseroit, encore qu'elle fust sa belle soeiu-; car il le 
pouvoit par la dispense du Pape, qui peut beaucoup en telles matieres, et 
sur tout k Tendroit des grands, k cause du bien public qui en sort £t y 
avoit beaucoup de raisons que ce mariage se fist, lesquelles je laisse k 
deduire aux plus hauts discoureurs, sans que je les allegue. Mais, entre 
autres, Tune estoit pour recognoistre par ce mariage les obligations 
grandes que le Roy avoit regeues de TEmpereur k son retour et depart de 



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INTERVIEW WITH THE QU&EN, 



I also touched on the Constantinople matter, as 
your Majesty directed. She promised to bear it in 
mind when the Queen Mother returned. I will then 
make it my business to remind her of it. 

I went to her a third time to ask that, as your 
Majesty's principal reason for sending me here was 
that I might look after her interests, she would kindly 
give orders to the marA:haux de logis to provide me 
with proper quarters in the neighbourhood, a^id she at 
once complied with my request. 

As to other matters, there is no news of any im- 
portance. The King is expected to arrive at Lyons to- 
day, where the Queen Mother, AIen9on, and Venddme^ 

Pologne ; car il ne faut point douter que, si TEmpereur eust voulu luy 
donner le moindre obstacle du monde, il n'eust jamais peu partir ny 
passer ny se conduire seurement en France. Les Polonnois le vouloient 
retenir s'il ne fust party sans leur dire adieu ; car les Allemans le guet- 
toient de toutes parts pour I'attrapper (comme fut ce brave roy Richard 
d'Angleterre, retoumant de la Terre Saincte, ainsi que nous lisons en nos 
chroniques), et Teussent tout de mesme arrest^ prisonnier et faict payer 
rangon, ou possible pis ; car ils luy en vouloient fort, k cause de la 
feste de la Sainct Barthelemy, au moins les princes protestans.' — Bran- 
tdmsy V. 298-299. 

* Henry of Navarre is generally spoken of in these letters as the 
Duke of Vendome, or at most, the titular King of Navarre. The greater 
part of the kingdom had been seized by Ferdinand the Catholic in 151 5, 
and has ever since been held by the Kings of Spain. Henry's power 
was derived from his position as a great French noble, the first Prince of 
the blood after the King's brother, and from his vast possessions in 
France, and not from the fragment of Navarre from which he derived 
his title. Subjoined is a short sketch of his family ; — 

Charles de Bourbon, Due de Venddme, ' 
descended from the sixth son of Louis IX . 
I (Saint Louis) 



Anthony, 
Due de Venddme 



: Jeanne d'Albret, 
Queen of Navarre 



Henry, Catherine = Henri, Due de Bar, 

Due de Venddme, eldest son 

a fterwards Henry IV. of the DuVe 

of Lorraine. 



Louis de Bourbon, 
Prince de Cond^, 
killed at Jamac, 1569 



Charles, Cardinal 
de Bourbon^ 
set up as King by 
the League after 
Henry lll.'s death 
under the title of 
Charles X. 



Henri, bom 1553, 
Prince de Cond^. 



Fran9ois, Prince de 
Conti, bom 1558. 



Charles, Cardi- 
nal de Bourbon, 
bom X563. 



Several other 
children. 



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LETTERS FROM FRANCE, 



have been for some time awaiting him. Disturbances 
are still going on in Poitou and the neighbouring pro- 
vinces. The King, they say, is preparing to exert his 
mfluence, and, if need be, to put them down with a 
strong hand. He has hired 5,000 Swiss, besides 
reiters from Germany, and some thousands of Italian 
musketeers. 

With regard to our business, not much, I see, can 
be done here while the King is away, and so, if I was not 
afraid I might transgress the rules of etiquette, I should 
like to run home for a few days. But I cannot make 
up my mind, as I hardly know what people here 
might think ; otherwise I see no objection, as I had 
your Majesty's permission. 

Montmorency and Coss6 ^ are still confined in the 
Bastille, and both are so strictly guarded by the people,^ 

^ Montmorency, the eldest son of the famous Constable Anne de 
Montmorency, and himself Due de Montmorency and Marshal of France. 
He was bom in 1530, and fought at St Quentin, and at the taking of 
Calais. He and Cossd were suspected of being implicated in the rising 
of Shrove-Tuesday, 1574, concerted between Alengon and the Huguenots, 
and were imprisoned in the Bastille. His wife was a natural daughter of 
Henry 11. by Diane de Poitiers, who had been legitimated. He died 
without issue in 1579. His four brothers were, Damville, Monsieur de 
Montbdron, killed at the battle of Dreux in 1562, Monsieur de M^ru, 
and Monsieur de Thor^. See note page u, and also note page 16. 

Cossd took part in Guise's famous defence of Metz in 1552, was 
appointed surintendant des finances in 1563, and Marshal in 1567. He 
fought at St. Denis and Moncontour, but was defeated by Coligny at 
Amy-le-Duc in 1570. He died in 1582, aged 70. According to Bran- 
t6me (ii. 434;, he remarked on his imprisonment ; * Je ne sgay pas ce que 
M. de Montmorency peut avoir faict, mais quant k moy, je s^ay bien que 
je n'ay rien faict pour estre prisonnier avec luy, sinon pour luy tenir 
compagnie quand on le fera mourir, et moy avec luy ; que Ton me fera 
de mesmes que Ton faict bien souvent k de pauvres diables, que Ton 
pend pour tenir compagnie seulement k leurs compagnons, encor qu'ilz 
n'ayent rien meffaict.' 

* ' Le peuple de la ville, n'agueres partisan de cette famille, les regent 
avec injures et contribua 800 harquebusiers de garde tant que leur 
prison dura.' — Aubign^^ Histoire, vol. ii. bk. ii. ch. vi. 



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ARRIVAL OF THE KING AT LYONS. 9 

that passers-by cannot so much as bow to them with- 
out danger. 

Yesterday there arrived here Master John Koch, 
whose misfortune has been a great grief to me. To- 
day I took the letters he brought to the Queen, and 
she immediately answered them. 

Paris, September 10, 1574. 



LETTER III. 



A FEW days ago I sent such news as I had by way of 
Brussels ; I now write, more because I have a con- 
venient opportunity of forwarding a letter, than because 
I have anything particular to tell. 

The King arrived at Lyons on the 6th. His army 
is besieging the town of Nove,^ twelve miles from 
Lyons, which they think will not be hard to take, as it is 
commanded on every side by the adjoining hills. Still, 
they are not quite confident, as they know how obsti- 
nate the King s opponents have hitherto been in de- 
fending the places they have occupied. Montpensier^ 

* By Nove Busbecq probably means the town which d'Aubignd 
(Histoire,^fo\, ii. bk. ii. ch. ix.) calls Nonnai, now Annonay, 24 French miles 
from Lyons. D'Aubign^ says the distance is nine leagues, which 
roughly corresponds with Busbecq's twelve miles. See note, vol. i. 
page 80. Annonay was a town in the Vivarais, one of the districts which 
were the strongholds of the Protestant cause, and was itself a Protes- 
tant town. For an account of the sieges it underwent, and of the civil 
war in the Vivarais, see Poncer, Mdmoires sur Annonay, On this occa- 
sion the town was sunmioned on October 22nd, and blockaded till 
December 8th, so the news in the text was premature. Dr. Dale, the 
English representative at the French Court, mentions the raising of 
the siege of *Noue,' in a letter dated December 23rd. — Calendar of State 
Paifers, Foreign Series, 1572-74, p. 583. 

* Louis de Bourbon, Due de Montpensier, bom in 1 5 1 3, was descended 
from a branch of the Bourbon- Venddme family, and on his mother's side 



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lo LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

is besieging the town of Fontenay ; a capitulation, they 
say, was agreed on, but his men refused to accept it, 
preferring to risk their lives in storming the place, 
rather than forego their plunder, so the result is still 
uncertain. Great is the strength of despair, and how- 
ever things may turn out, their spoils, I warrant, will 
be blood-stained. 

They say that the King, before he reached Lyons, 
asked his Councils advice, as to whether he should 
send back the Italian troops he had brought with him 
as a body guard, and that Pibrac,^ whom your Majesty 
saw at Vienna, was for dismissing them. This gave 
offence to the Queen Mother, and on his arrival at 
Lyons she ordered him to return to Paris, and resume 
his duties as Advocate of the Kingdom. The Queen 

was nephew to the Constable de Bourbon. He served as a volunteer at 
St. Quentin, where he was made prisoner. He was a bitter enemy to 
the Huguenots. * Quand il prenait les heretiques par composition,' says 
Brantdme (iii. 364), ^ il ne la leur tenait nuUement, disant qu'k un here- 
tique, on n'estoit nuUement oblig^ de garder sa foy.' He distinguished him- 
self at Jamac and Moncontour. He took a prominent part in the Massacre 
of Saint Bartholomew. From 1574 to 1 576 he commanded in Poitou and 
Saintonge, and died in 1582. By his first wife, Jacqueline de Longwy, 
who was a Protestant, he had a son and four daughters, one of whom, 
Charlotte, married the Prince of Orange. See Letter XIX. and note. 
His son — who, till he succeeded to the title of Montpensier, on his father's 
death, was known as the Prince Dauphin d'Auvergne — is frequently men- 
tioned in Busbecq's letters to Rodolph. Fontenay is a town, nearly due 
west of Poitiers, and about fifty-five English miles from it. 

* Guy du Faur, Seigneur de Pibrac, was bom at Toulouse, in 1529. 
He became member of the Parliament there, and was one of the 
French ambassadors at the Council of Trent in 1562. In 1565, at the 
recommendation of the Chancellor I'Hopital, he was appointed Avocat- 
G^ndral to the Parliament of Paris. He accompanied Henry to Poland 
as Chancellor, and was in great danger during the precipitate flight of 
the King. After his return to Paris he 5old his office of Advocate. He 
was again despatched to Poland, to persuade the Diet to allow Henry to 
retain the crown, but his mission proved unsuccessful. He was afterwards 
Chancellor of the Queen of Navarre, with whom he was supposed to 
be in love. He went with Alengon to Flanders, as his Chancellor, and 
died in 1584. He was celebrated for his eloquence. 



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DAMVILLE, II 

Mother, people think, is in favour of war, because she 
hopes thereby to retain her power. 

Damville,^ they say, received an unfavourable 
answer from the King, and consequently remained at 
Turin ; he has now, I hear, been summoned by the 
King ; a suspicious circumstance, as many think. It 
will be two months, it is supposed, before the King gets 
away from his affairs at Lyons, and in the meantime 
business here makes little progress. I expect the King 
and the Queen Mother will give your Majesty an ac- 
count of what is passing in France. At any rate I feel 
justified in saying that everybody is anxiously looking 
for a marriage between the King and your Majesty *s 
daughter — it is the general topic of conversation. 

The Comte de Bailen, after being kept for a long 
time in Gascony by the dangers of the road, has at last 
started for Lyons. 

Paris, September 17, 1574. 



LETTER IV. 



I HAVE despatched two letters to your Majesty since t 
arrived here, one I sent by way of Brussels, the other, 
dated the 1 7th, was given to a servant of the Duke of 
Bavaria, who was travelling this way from Spain. 

* The Comte de Damville was second son of the Constable, and bro- 
ther to the Due de Montmorency (see page 8). He was bom in 
1534, and was made Governor of Languedoc in 1563, which he held for 
nearly fifty years, almost as an independent sovereign. He was the 
leader of tiie moderate Roman Catholic party, known as the Politiques, 
and after the death of Henry III. adhered to the cause of Henry IV., who 
on December 8th, 1593, created him Constable. He succeeded to the 
Dukedom of Montmorency on his brother's death in 1579. He died 
in 1614. 



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12 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

Now I have a convenient opportunity of sending 
despatches by the hands of Master John Koch. 

The King has determined to continue the war 
rather than suffer two religions in his kingdom, or 
allow the rebels to remain in possession of the towns 
they have seized ; while they declare that they will 
hold them to the death, having no hope of safety left 
save in their walls and their despair. Thus the King 
is again getting entangled in difficulties, from which 
he will not easily free himself, and which he might 
perhaps have avoided. 

Fontenay, the town about which I wrote lately, fell 
at the third assault. There was great slaughter both of 
besiegers and besieged. People think Lusignan will be 
attacked next. It is a fortress of considerable strength, 
five miles from Poitiers, and being built on a rock is not 
easily accessible.^ The siege of Lusignan will give Mont- 

* The Castle of Lusignan was the original seat of the famous family 
of Lusignan, which gave kings to Jerusalem and Cyprus. In the keep of 
the chiteau was a fountain, said to be haunted by the fairy Melusine, the 
ancestress and tutelary genius of the family. According to the legend, 
the founder of the family first met her by a forest spring. Before she be- 
came his wife she exacted a promise from him that he would not attempt 
to see her on the Saturday in every week, or to find out where she had 
gone. For a time all went on well, but unfortunately the husband was at 
last persuaded to peep into the room to which Melusine had retired. To 
his horror he discovered that on every Saturday half her body was trans- 
formed into a serpent. Finding the secret was no longer hers, she thrice 
flew round the chAteau, and then vanished. She was believed to appear 
at times on the keep of the chiteau, and whenever she was seen it was 
said to presage a death, either in the Lusignan family or in the Royal 
family of France. 

Lusignan is situated about fourteen English miles south-west of 
Poitiers. De FEstoile, i. 49, gives some details of the siege and capitulation. 
** Le mardy, 25* Janvier, la ville et chasteau de Lusignan fiirent rendus par 
les Huguenos k M. de Montpensier, chef de Farmde du Roy en Poictou, 
soubs condition de vies et bagues sauves, et d'estre conduits seurement \ 
la Rochelle : de quoi furent bailies ostages pour seuret^ de ladite capitu- 
lation, encores que la foy de M. de Montpensier ne peust ni ne deust 
estre suspecte aux Huguenos, lesquels furent assi^g^s trois mois et vingt 
et un jours, durant lesquels furent tir^s de sept ^ huict mil coups de 



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THE FIRST EDICT 13 

pensier s army occupation for* some time, and though 
less important places like these may be easily recovered 
by the King, at any rate the reduction of Montauban, 
Nismes, Rochelle, and other towns, which still hold 
out, will prove a more difficult task. But who can 
say what may happen in the meanwhile ? Time brings 
about many a surprise, and the result may turn out far 
other than what it is expected to be. The King thinks 
differently; under his mother*s influence, as it is sup- 
posed, he is entering on the war with a light heart. 
Within the last few days an Edict ^ was published, by 
which all who had fled the country are invited to 
return home within six months, under promise of an 
amnesty ; if they do not avail themselves of this act of 
indemnity within that time, they are to be considered 
outlaws and public enemies. This proclamation, it is 
feared, will be the signal for those who distrust the 
King's word to take the field — it is the trumpet calling 
them to battle. To people's astonishment some noble 
families, as, for instance, those of Rambouillet and 
d'Estr6es,^ have been ordered to leave the Court and 
retire to their homes. 

At his parting from the Duke of Savoy, the King 
is said to have made him a present of two towns which 
are still held by his garrisons — namely, Savigliano and 
Pignerolo, if I remember the names rightly. This 
arrangement, however, has been interfered with by 

canon.* If Brant6me does not belie Montpensier (see note 2, page 9), the 
besieged had good reason for the precautions they took. 

* Published September loth at Lyons. 

' The Seigneur de Rambouillet was sent by the Queen Mother, and 
the Seigneur d'Estr^s by Alen^on, to Henry on June 4th, to congratu- 
late him on his accession. — De VEstoile^ i. 5. * Rambouillet, that was 
aforetime captain in one of the guards, and his three brothers, has left 
the Court, because the King has given away an office, that one of the 
Rambouillets looked lox,^— Calendar of State Papers^ Foreign Series^ 
1572-74, p. 560. 



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14 LBTTERS FROM FRANCE, 

the Duke*s wife having died, unfortunately for him, 
before it was completed, an event which may possibly 
make the King change his intentions.^ 

I am far from satisfied with the state of the busi- 
ness which is the principal object of my mission — 
namely, the settlement of the Queen s dower. The 
Kings return, I suspect, is further off than people 
think, and meanwhile nothing can be done here. The 
Queen is thus left in a state of uncertainty ; she knows 
not what is to happen, or what her position is to be, 
and therefore she naturally feels by no means comfort- 
able. Some people think the King will go down to 
Avignon, to be nearer the seat of the war which is 
imminent ; and, if so, it is supposed he will not be in 
Paris for full six months from this. If this be true, 
though sufficient provision has been made for her in 
the meantime, still perhaps it is hardly creditable that 
a lady, who is now practically your Majesty's ward, 
should be left dependent on another's beck and call, 
and sit quietly waiting till it pleases him to ask her to 
become once more a wife. Such a position is, in my 
humble opinion, a highly improper one ; nor do I be- 
lieve that in any other case the relatives of a widowed 
queen ever waited so long before taking steps to pro- 
tect her interests. I trust your Majesty will consider 
what is to be done. Shall I go to the King — which 

1 These towns had been retained by the French when the rest of the 
possessions of the Duke of Savoy were restored to him, partly after the 
treaty of Cateau Cambr^sis, in 1559, and partly by Charles IX, in 1562. 
With the exception of the Marquisate of Saluzzo, they were the last 
remains of the French conquests beyond the Alps. The Duchess of 
Savoy was Margaret, daughter of Francis I., and therefore aunt to 
Henry III. She was bom in 1523, married in 1559, at the conclusion of 
peace, to Emmanuel Philibert, Duke of Savoy, and died September 14th, 
1 574. The indignant protest of the Due de Nevers against the surrender 
of these towns may be found in the compilation known as his MdmoireSy 
vol. i. page i. 



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FORECAST OF THE FUTURE, 15 

will involve some expense — or shall I write to him, 
or shall I wait here for his return, whenever that may 
be? 

If I may give my opinion, I think the King is likely 
to have more trouble than he expects. For, taking 
even the most favourable supposition, and assuming 
that he reduces a great part of the rebels to submis- 
sion, I consider that he cannot possibly complete his 
task during the present winter, and that many of them 
will hold out still. What then will be the Kings 
position ? His forces will be no longer what they 
were at the beginning of the campaign ; war, priva- 
tion, and winter will have thinned their ranks. On 
the other hand, we must be prepared to see the exiled 
nobles now in Germany come to the succour of their 
friends with such troops as they can raise. All France 
will then be in a blaze once more ; the issue of the 
contest it is impossible to foretell, for who can say how 
many secret allies the rebels can reckon on } Those 
who are thoroughly estranged from the King are not 
a few. 

This forecast of future probabilities is derived in 
great measure from a conversation I had, when I was 
passing through Kaiserslautern, with an intimate friend 
of the Palatine and Casimir.^ The exiles I speak of 

* Frederic III. was Elector Palatine from 1559 to 1576. He was the 
first important German prince who embraced Calvinism, and was the 
head of that sect in Germany. His Court was the asylum of the French 
and Flemish exiles. When Henry III. passed through Germany on his 
way to Poland, he visited Heidelberg at the Palatine's invitation. He 
found the gates of the town guarded, the streets lined with soldiers, 
match in hand, and no one to receive him at the Castle except armed 
men. Halfway up the stairs he was met by the Rhinegrave, attended by 
two of the survivors of the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew. The Rhine- 
grave asked him on the Elector's behalf to excuse his coming down, on 
account of indisposition. Henry found him at the entrance of the room 
supported by a gentleman, in the attitude of a man who finds it a great 
effort to stand upright. * On n'y pouvoit entrer sans jetter la veiie sur un 



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i6 LETTERS FROM FRANCE, 

have been prevented from invading the country chiefly 
by two motives : in the first place, they had some 
hopes that the King would be more indulgent to their 
party, and wished to give him a trial ; secondly, among 
their chiefs are two sons of the Constable,^ and they 
saw that if they stirred it would be the signal for the 
execution of their imprisoned brother, Montmorency ; 
the Queen Mother has openly threatened and declared 
as much. Perhaps, too, they are influenced by the 
consideration that it would be v&cy bad policy to choose 



grand Tableau de lamort derAdmiral, et des principaux Seigneurs tu^s k 
Paris. Voyant que le Roi portoit sa veiie de ce costd, il poussa un grand sou- 
spir, et dit tout haut, " Ceux qui les ont fait mourir sont bien malheureux, 
croyez qu'ils estoient gens de bien et grands Capitaines." Le Roy re- 
spondit doucement, " Qu'ils estoient capables de bien faire s'ils eussent 
voulu." Ce Prince sentoit un grand contentement en son ame de pouvoir 
faire esclatter I'excez de sa passion en la presence du Roy, il en fit voir 
les effets en diverses fagons, lui donna k sou per, et le servit dapoisson, 
mais il n'eut pour Gentilliomme que ceux qu'on luy dit avoir eschappd 
le jour de Saint Barthelemy, qu'il appelloit "La boucherie et le mas- 
sacre de Paris."' The next day the Count took more than thirty turns with 
the King up and down the great hall of the Castle, with a firm step and 
in perfect health, so as to show that his indisposition of the previous 
evening had been entirely feigned. — Matthieu, Histoire de France^ i. p. 
363. The Palatine's second son, John Casimir, bom in 1543, is a promi- 
nent- figure in the religious wars of the time. He was one of the military 
adventurers who hoped in the general confusion to win themselves a 
throne by their sword. He conducted several expeditions to the aid of 
the French Protestants, and was one of the many princes suggested as 
a husband for Queen Elizabeth. At her instigation he was given the 
command of the German army which entered the Netherlands in 1578. 
For an estimate of his character see Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, 
Part V, ch, v. He died in 1592. 

* The two sons of the Constable were his two youngest sons, de M^ru 
and de Thor^. While the Marshal and Damville, their elder brothers, 
remained Catholics, they became Protestants. The reason of their flight 
to Germany was that they had been implicated in the rising of Shrove 
Tuesday, 1 574, and the conspiracy to seize Charles IX. at St. Germain. 
' Les cousins [du Prince de Cond^] de Thor^ et de M^ru se rendent k 
Geneve, oil le Seingneur de Thor^ se declare et fait profession de la Reli- 
gion et Ik est arrest^ et retenu, et son fr^re de M^ru mis hors ladite ville, 
pour ne vouloir faire semblable profession.' — De PEstoile, i. 22. 



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FRANQOIS DE FOIX, 17 

the moment when the King's forces are at their best 
for attacking him, instead of biding their time. 

To turn to another subject. A few days ago a 
gentleman, who is one of the King's councillors, came 
to see me, and gave me a book to send to your Ma- 
jesty, to whom it is dedicated by the author. It is the 
work of Francois de Foix, Bishop of Aire, and Privy 
Councillor to the King. He is an old man of the 
highest rank, and is a great scholar. He is also a near 
relative of your Majesty, for his father, he states in his 
letter, was brother of your Majesty's grandmother on 
the mother's side.^ His elder brother, the Comte de 

* Frangois de Foix de Candale, Bishop of Aire, in Gascony, third son 
of Gaston de Foix, Comte de Candale, Captal de Buch, &c. His father's 
sister Anne married Ladislaus, King of Hungary and Bohemia, by whom 
she had two children — Louis, King of Hungary, killed at Mohacz in 1526, 
and Anne, who married the Emperor Ferdinand, and was the mother of 
the Emperor Maximilian. The Bishop was one of the most learned men 
of his time, especially in mathematics and natural philosophy. Besides 
the works mentioned in the text, he translated Euclid into Latin. He 
invented various mathematical instruments, and founded a chair of ma- 
thematics in the College of Aquitaine at Bordeaux. He died in 1594, 
aged eighty-four according to Thuanus, but eighty-one according to 
his monument. D'Aubign^, in his M^moires under the year 1580, re- 
lates the following anecdote of him and Henry IV. * Le roi de Navarre, 
passant un jour k Cadillac, priale grand Francois de Candale, de lui faire 
voir son excellent cabinet, ce qu'il vouloit bien faire, k condition 
qu'il n'y entreroit pas d'ignares. " Non, mon oncle," dit mon 
maitre, "je n'y mineral personne qui ne soit plus capable de le voir 
et d'en cbnnoitre le prix que moi." La compagnie s'amusa d'abord 
k faire lever le poids d*un canon par une petite machine qu'un enfant de 
six ans tenoit entre ses mains. Comme elle ^toit fort attentive k cette 
operation, je me mis k considdrer un marbre noir de sept pieds en quarr^, 
qui servoit de table au bon Seigneur de Candale ; et ayant appergu un 
crayon, j'dcrivis dessus pendant qu'on raisonnait sur la petite machine, 
ce distique latin : — 

Non isthaec, princeps, regem tractare doceto, 
Sed docta regni pondera ferre manu. 

Cela fait, je recouvris le marbre et rejoignis la compagnie, qui dtant 
arriv^e k ce marbre, M. de Candale dit k mon mattre, " Voici ma table ; " 
et ayant 6t^ la couverture et vu ce distique, il s'^cria, " Ah ! il y a ici un 
honmie." " Conmient/' reprit le roi de Navarre, " croyez-vous que les 

VOL. IL C 



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i8 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

CandaJe, is dead. He left a son, who was killed by a 
musket-shot in the head/ while fighting under Dam- 
ville, who was then engaged in some service for the 
King. He left only two daughters, the eldest of whom 
succeeded to the family property, and is being brought 
up in the house of her maternal grandmother, the 
widow of the Constable, their father having married 
one of the Constable's daughters. To return to the 
Bishop. He is a man of the greatest learning, espe- 
cially in mathematics, and is regarded by the professors 
of that science here as one of their most distinguished 
men. He has translated Hermes Trismegi'stus ^ — a 
writer of such antiquity that some people make him 
out to be a contemporary of Moses himself — from Greek 
into Latin, and this is the work that is now on its way 
to your Majesty. He has also translated him into 
French, and has dedicated the translation to the 
Queen Mother. He has written, besides, five books 
of commentaries on the same author in French, which 
those who have seen it assert to be a noble work ; and 
this has been published under the patronage of the 
Queen, your Majesty's daughter. I humbly hope your 
Majesty, when answering my letter, will condescend 

autres soient dea b^tes ? Je vous prie, mon oncle, de deviner ^ la mine 
qui vous jugez capable d'avoir fait ce coup." Ce qui fournit mati^re k 
d'assez plaisans propos.' 

* He was killed February, 1573, in an attack on the chiteau of 
Soumiere, in Languedoc. —Mezeray, Histoire de France, iii. 282. 

* The Eg}'ptian deity Thoth, was identified with the Greek Hermes, 
and was considered the real author of everything produced or discovered 
by the human mind. Being thus the source of all human knowledge and 
thought, he was termed rpW fieyurros, or Thrice Greatest. A variety of 
works are preserved, of which he is the reputed author. The most pro- 
bable opinion as to their real origin is that they were forgeries of Neo- 
Platonists in the third or fourth century of our era. The most important 
of them is the UoifAapbprfSy the book translated by the Bishop. It is 
written in the form of a dialogue, and treats of nature, the creation of 
the world, the nature and attributes of the deity, the human soul, &c. 



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THE IMPRISONED MARSHALS. ^ 19 

to acknowledge the arrival of the book, and gratify 
the good old man by thanking him for the compliment. 
I will take care to show the passage to his friends, who 
brought me the book. 

As to the Queen s condition, I have nothing to 
write which your Majesty will not hear from her own 
letters. One matter, I think, I should not omit to 
mention. Everything here is exceedingly dear, espe- 
cially the necessaries of life, such as bread, wine, fire- 
wood, and lodgings. With these high prices, I do not 
see how I am to keep within the salary allowed by 
your Majesty. However, I will do the best I can for 
this half year, and after that I trust your Majesty will 
kindly see that I am properly provided for. 

To conclude. As I perceive there is no immediate 
prospect of the King's arrival, and I can leave Paris 
for some days without any inconvenience to the Queen, 
I have determined, with her approval, to avail myself 
of your Majesty's kind permission, and to make the 
journey home, which I have so long intended, to ar- 
range my private affairs. I think of remaining in the 
Netherlands till your Majesty's gracious reply to this 
letter arrives at Brussels, which I consider your Ma- 
jesty will find to be the most convenient route for 
sending an answer. I have nothing more to add ex- 
cept my earnest prayer that God may long preserve 
your Majesty to us and to Christendom. 

Paris, September 28, 1574. 

Montmorency is still detained in the same prison ; 
Coss6, on account of his illness, is allowed a more con- 
venient lodging, but is guarded there with the utmost 
strictness. 

I am not sure if it is worth adding a postscript to 
say that, if your Majesty should think fit to send me 

02 



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V.-^" 



20 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

to the King, any despatches to the Duke of Savoy 
could be conveyed at the same time without any addi- 
tional trouble or expense, for Turin is not very far 
from Lyons, and is nearer still to Avignon — if I mis- 
take not. 



LETTER V. 



I HAVE but lately sent all the news I had by the hands 
of Master John Koch. Since then nothing has hap- 
pened worth notice, except that letters from Lyons 
have reached Paris, saying that the question of the 
Queen's dower has been discussed at Court, and that 
the Duchy of Berry has been assigned to her on ac- 
count thereof. The annual income, however, of this 
Duchy, derived from real estate, does not come up to 
the amount of her dower ; whence the rest is to be 
provided we do not know, but it certainly ought to be 
charged on lands in the neighbourhood. The Queen 
herself has not heard a word on the subject, though 
the King has written several times to her, and the 
Queen Mother still more frequently. The report I 
mention about the dower prevents my starting for the 
Netherlands, as I had intended, for I am afraid of 
perhaps being wanted here. 

As to the King's return, nothing is yet known for 
certain : some think it is not near, and that he intends 
going further away ; others regard his movements as a 
trick to induce the gentlemen of the Court to start for 
the camp, under the notion that the King will shortly 
follow. I can make no positive assertion either way ; 
I have not been long in France and am at a distance 
from the scene of action ; hitherto I have been unable 
to do more than chronicle rumours and peoples 



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SIEGE OF POUSSIN. 21 

opinions. Your Majesty must excuse it, therefore, if I 
am occasionally wrong in my facts or mistaken in my 
predictions. 

One part of the Royal army is besieging Poussin,^ a 
castle fortified by the Huguenots, on the bank of the 
Rhone, a little below Vienne, I believe, and not many 
miles from Lyons. The rest of it is with Montpensier, 
besieging Lusignan, which is garrisoned, they say, by 
about 600 soldiers and 200 gentlemen. La Noue,^ the 
head of the rebels, is said to be at Rochelle with such 
a following, that they think he will be master of the 
town. As to Damville, some people have a story 
that, when he found the King intended to arrest him 

* In the Vivarais. It cut off Lyons from communicating with Mar- 
seilles by water. See Mezeray^ iii. 360. 

* It is impossible within the compass of a note to give more than 
the briefest outline of the principal events in the life of this famous Breton 
chief. He was bom in 1531, and became a Protestant in 1558. In 1561 
he was one of the French nobles who escorted Marie Stuart to Scotland. 
Brant6me was another of the suite. In 1 570 he was wounded by a musket- 
shot at the siege of Fontenay ; gangrene set in, and it was foimd neces- 
sary to amputate his left arm ; Jeanne d'Albret, Queen of Navarre, held 
the shattered limb during the operation. This arm was replaced by one 
of iron, whence he obtained the famous sobriquet, by which he is best 
known, Bras defer. In 1573 Charles IX. sent him to La Rochelle in the 
hope he would be able to effect some compromise with the citizens, and 
he was for some time regarded with suspicion by both sides ; but he 
appears to have always acted an honest and straightforward part in a 
very delicate position. When he found a reconciliation was impossible, 
he placed his sword once more at the service of the French Protestants. 
He fought for the Protestant cause not only in France but also in the 
Netherlands, was Count Louis of Nassau's right-hand man at the surprise 
and subsequent siege of Mons in 1572, and at one time, in 1 579, occupied 
Bousbecque and the places in the neighbourhood, Menin, Comines, 
Wervicq, &c. He was mortally wounded at the siege of Lamballe, in 
Brittany, and died on August 4, 1591. Thuanus (v. p. 180) calls him 
*a truly great man, who for bravery, prudence, and military know- 
ledge deserved to be compared with the greatest generals of the time, 
and for the purity of his life, his moderation, and his justice to be pre- 
ferred to most of them.' For a further account of him see Letters to 
Rodolph, IX. and L IV., note. 



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22 LETTERS FROM FRANCE, 

and put him to death, he crossed by sea from Savoy to 
MontpelHer, a city in his government, and that he has 
induced it with some of the neighbouring towns to 
revolt. Of this, however, there is nothing known for 
certain, and I suspect it is somebody's invention. 

Paris, October, 1574. 



LETTER VI. 



I LATELY despatched a letter to your Majesty by a 
running footman, whom I sent to Brussels to bring 
back the answer I am expecting from your Majesty. 
Since then nothing new has occurred except that the 
Queen was threatened with an attack. The symptoms 
were sickness, accompanied by general inflammation 
and irritation of the skin, while at night she suffered 
from thirst. Physicians were called in, and they de- 
clared it to be a case of bile in the blood ; they said 
that there was danger of fever if remedies were not 
promptly employed. Accordingly, they treated her 
-with purgatives and bleeding ; since then there has 
been a change for the better, and the physicians now 
have great hopes that the attack has been taken in 
time, and this is also my view. The Queen herself is 
in good spirits, and considers herself as well as before 
the illness. Still I should not like to leave your 
Majesty in ignorance of what has happened. 

A few days ago the Comte de Bailen arrived from 
Lyons to offer the Queen the condolences of the King 
of Spain ; he had already expressed his master s regret 
to the King and Queen Mother at Lyons. He was kept 
a long time at Bordeaux by the dangers of the road, 
and he incurred serious risks on his way round by 



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DAMVILLE SUSPECTED. 23 

Lyons, as parties were watching at various places on 
his route with intent to waylay him. He is now hesi- 
tating as to what road he shall choose for his return, 
and seems to think the safety of his route a more im- 
portant consideration than its length. He has, more- 
over, a wish to visit the Netherlands and other coun- 
tries. 

To-day I was informed that Pibrac is coming here 
from Lyons ; from him I shall be able to learn how 
matters stand there. He is also bringing, they say, 
the King's instructions to me with reference to the 
dower. Your Majesty shall be duly informed of what- 
ever I hean 

Poussin, which was being besieged, has fallen into 
the King's hands ; the defenders, according to some 
accounts, sallied out by night and escaped from the 
town.^ Damville's conduct excites suspicion ; two 
Vicomtes are said to have come to him at Montpellier 
to concert plans for war. One of them, I think, is the 
Vicomte de Montbrun ; the other's name I have not 
heard. Damville is also believed to have trred to take 
Avignon by surprise ; people think that he will raise 
the standard of a fresh insurrection, and thus exasperate 
the King, who is at present inclined towards justice and 
mercy, as your Majesty will see from the Edict ^ I en- 
close. There seems, therefore, to be no prospect that 
France will see any termination of the woes with which 
she is afflicted. One civil war begets another, until there 
is no end. 

About the King's coming there are vague reports, 
which change every day. I cannot be sure of anything 

^ This report was correct. See Mezeray^ iii. 360, where an interesting 
account is given of the siege. 

* The second Edict, of October 23. The purport of it was, that no 
person should be troubled on religious grounds. 



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24 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

till I have an interview with Pibrac, and, as soon as I 
have seen him, I will lose no time in making my report 
to your Majesty. 

Paris, October 31, 1574. 



LETTER VII. 



In my last letter to your Majesty I gave an account of 
the Queen's health ; and how her physicians hoped to 
keep off a fever by timely remedies. Unhappily, a 
few days later, though the Queen had felt no inconve- 
nience in the mean time, there was a return of the 
complaint, and it was found necessary to repeat the 
medicines and to bleed her again. The blood that 
was taken was very corrupt, so much so that her 
physicians became anxious, feeling sure that her illness 
would be serious, and possibly dangerous. They called 
in some of the first physicians in Paris, and held a 
consultation. The attack, however, never became 
dangerous, and on the fifth day there was a decided 
improvement, and on the seventh, which was Sunday, 
the fever had quite subsided. Her physicians are not 
yet altogether free from anxiety, as there is still some 
derangement of the system, which they are en- 
deavouring to remove ; the Queen, however, now the 
fever has left her, is not in the least nervous about 
herself. Thanks to God's mercy, she is in a fair way 
towards recovery. 

There is another matter, as to which it is essential 
to have explicit instructions from your Majesty. From 
the beginning of next January the Queen, they say, 
will have her dower assigned to her, and instead of 
living as hitherto at the expense of the State, she will 



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WAYS AND MEANS. 25 

have to maintain herself on her own resources and out of 
the revenues of her dower. Consequently there are 
several points that present themselves for your 
Majesty s consideration. In the first place, your Ma- 
jesty will have to indicate the source from which the 
Queen is to get money for her maintenance till her own 
revenues begin to come in ; secondly, your Majesty 
will have to decide whether she is to remain here for 
the winter, so as to have milder weather for her jour- 
ney, or to return immediately. If the last course is 
preferred, your Majesty will have to settle all the ques- 
tions relating to her route, the expense to be incurred, 
the suite that is to attend her, the road she is to take, 
and her ultimate destination. If, on the other hand, 
there is not time to make all these arrangements, and 
it should be therefore decided that she shall stay some 
months longer in France, still a decision must be 
come to as to whether she is to remain in Paris, or 
retire to the place assigned her as dower. For there 
can be no question that she will live at much less 
expense in her own house, if I may call it so, than 
here in Parisj where everything is excessively dear. 
There is a chdteau in the Duchy of Berry which would 
just suit her, called Remorantin ; the Queen Mother 
herself is said to have sometimes thought of retiring 
thither. Apart from any questions of economy, a 
residence in the country would be more in keeping 
with her position as a widow. Assuming this to be 
settled, your Majesty's opinion will be required as to 
all the arrangements of her new establishment, and the 
gentlemen and ladies who are to constitute her house- 
hold. Nothing can be determined till I receive your 
Majesty's instructions. 

I mentioned in my former letter that the Duchy of 
Berry is to be assigned to the Queen, and I have no^Y 



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26 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

written that after the first of January she is to live at 
her own charges. Both these statements are founded 
only upon current report and require confirmation, for 
neither the Queen, nor the Comte de Fiesco,^ nor I 
have received any official notice on the subject. How- 
ever, the fact is in itself so probable and the rumour 
has become so general that neither the Comte nor my- 
self have any doubt of its truth. I heard from one of 
Pibrac s relatives in Lyons that he would shortly be 
here to discuss the whole question with me on behalf 
of the King. However, he has not arrived yet, though 
he is expected every day, I shall lose no time in in- 
forming your Majesty of the result of our interview. 
In the meantime I have thought it better to send this 
letter without waiting for his arrival. 

The report, which was at first very general, of the 
King's intending to marry your daughter, is now uni- 
versally discredited. Some people, whose opinion is 
worth having, ascribe the cause to the Sorbonne or 
College of Divines in Paris. When King Henry VHI. 
of England began to question the validity of his mar- 

* The Comte de Fiasco was chevalier d'honneur to the Queen. The 
Fieschi were Counts of Lavagna, and one of the four principal families of 
Genoa. The conspiracy of the Fieschi in 1547 is one of the most famous 
incidents of Genoese history. The object of the conspirators was to 
overthrow the power of Andrew Doria, and to detach Genoa from the 
Imperialists, and bring the republic into close connection with France. 
The conspiracy miscarried, owing to its leader. Count John Louis Fiesco, 
falling from the planks by which he was boarding a galley, and being 
drowned. Owing to the darkness of the night the accident was not dis- 
covered till it was too late to assist him. His brothers were executed 
except Scipio, the youngest, who escaped to France, and is the person 
mentioned in the text In 1568 he was Ambassador to the Court of 
Maximilian. He was afterwards chevalier d'honneur to Louise de 
Vaudemont, the Queen of Henry III., and one of the original knights of 
the Order of the Holy Ghost. — Lippomano, Ambassadeurs VMtiens, 
ii. 413. He married Alphonsina Strozzi, who is the Countess men- 
tioned by Busbecq. She was originally dame dhonneur to Catherine de 
Medicis. 



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DIVORCE OF HENRY VlIL 27 

riage with his deceased brother's widow, and wanted 
to have it declared null, these divines were consulted 
as to the lawfulness of the marriage. At the instiga- 
tion of King Francis I., who wished to gratify the 
King of England, knowing that the dissolution of the 
marriage would dissolve the alliance between the Em- 
peror Charles and Henry, they pronounced the mar- 
riage unlawful and incestuous, in opposition to all the 
other divines and jurists before whom the case had 
been laid. ^ This decision being so contrary to the 
general opinion, King Francis thought it sufficient to 
forward it to England, and wished it to be suppressed as 
far as possible in France. But the King of England, 
being anxious to support his case, had the decision 
printed, and published far and wide. This precedent 
is supposed to be a great stumbling-block to the King, 
and to make him have scruples of the lawfulness of a 
marriage with his brother's widow, as he would thereby 
seem to question the authority of his ancestors decision. 
This is one version of the story ; whether it be the 
true one, or simply an excuse, I cannot tell for certain. 
I fully expect that when I have had a talk with Pibrac 
I shall be able to make out more of this matter, or at 
any rate to form a tolerably good guess ; for even if 
he says nothing I shall be able from his very silence 

* The Sorbonne was 'a society or corporation of Doctors of Divinity 
settled in the University of Paris, and famous all over Europe. It was 
founded by the French King St, Lewis, and Ralph de Sorbonne, his 
confessor, a Canon of the Church of Paris, who gave it its name from the 
village of Sorbonne, near Lyons, which was the place of his nativity.' — 
World of Words, 

Their determination, dated July 2, 1530, is given by Holinshed, 
Chronicles^ iii. 924. It is to the effect that * the foresaid marriage with 
the brother's wife, departing without children, be so forbidden both by 
the law of God and of nature, that the Pope hath no power to dispense 
with such manages, whether they be contract or to be contract' It was 
read to the House of Commons with the decisions of the other Universi- 
ties, March 30, 153 1. 



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28 LETTERS FROM FRANCE, 

to draw my own conclusions as to the King's wishes 
and intentions. 

It is considered certain that the King will go down 
to Avignon. His object, I imagine, is to be nearer 
the scene of action, where his presence is required. 
Meanwhile the siege of Lusignan continues. As to 
other matters, I cannot venture to make any positive 
assertion. The Comte de Bailen will, I understand, 
leave this to-morrow on his way back to Spain. He 
intends going to Nantes, a seaport in Brittany, and 
thence taking ship for Bilbao or St Sebastian. He has 
chosen this as being by far the shortest route as well 
as the safest. 

I most humbly entreat your Majesty for an early 
answer to this letter, for, until we have your instruc- 
tions, we cannot bring this business to a conclusion 
with credit to your Majesty. I would suggest sending 
the answer to Leonhard de Taxis ^ at Brussels, who has 
promised to use all speed in forwarding your Majesty's 
letters to Paris. 

Paris, November 9, 1574. 

I told your Majesty that we were expecting Pibrac 
in Paris. Well, he has arrived, and as we were old 
friends, having made each other's acquaintance when 
the King of France was staying at Vienna, I went and 
called on him. He returned my visit. I took the 
first opportunity which offered itself in the course of 
our conversation of introducing the Queen's business, 
and expressed my surprise at the delay in the assign- 

* Leonbard or Lamoral von Thum and Taxis succeeded his father in 
1554 as Postmaster- General in the Netherlands, and in 1595 was ap- 
pointed Postmaster-General of the Holy Roman Empire. He died in 
161 2, aged upwards of 90. He was brother of J. B. Taxis or Tassis, the 
well-known Spanish Ambassador. See Letters to Rodolph, XLIIL, and 
note. 



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POLISH POLITICS, 29 

ment of the dower. He replied that affairs of this 
kind could not be arranged in a hurry, and that matters 
would be set right if I went to the King myself. 



LETTER VIII. 



I HAVE little to add to what I told your Majesty in 
my last two letters of the Queen s health. She Is still 
confined to her bed by the orders of her physicians, 
but she looks well, and is in excellent spirits. There 
is no need for me to say more, as she is writing to 
your Majesty herself. 

Pibrac arrived three days ago. I lost no time in 
calling upon him, to ascertain whether he had any 
instructions with regard to the Queen's dower. He 
avoided the subject, and talked of Poland, and a message 
the King had received from a Diet held at Warsaw, 
begging him to return forthwith. He told me that the 
Turkish Ambassador had been present at the meeting 
of the Diet, and informed the Poles that the Sultan 
would make it a casus belli if they elected a Muscovite 
or one of your Majesty's sons to the vacant throne : 
they must appoint one of their own countrymen, two of 
whom he specified as proper candidates. It was sup- 
posed, however, that it was at the instigation of these 
two gentlemen that the embassy had been sent. Pibrac 
then observed that there was one of your Majesty's 
subjects who was looking out for the throne. 

I remarked that an absent king was not likely to 
keep his crown long. He agreed, and was of opinion 
that the Poles would soon be engaged in fighting with 
each other. 

The conversation flagged, and as he made no allu- 



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30 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

sion to the subject in which I was interested, I intro- 
duced it myself. I told him that there was a rumour 
that the Queen's dower had been assigned. He in- 
formed me that the report was correct, and represented 
the settlement which had been made as most advan- 
tageous to the Queen. He said that he understood 
your Majesty intended arranging a marriage for the 
Queen with the King of Portugal. I replied that I 
knew nothing of the matter beyond the fact that the 
King of Portugal had been most anxious to obtain her 
hand before her marriage. At present, I added, hv 
was too much engaged with his expedition against 
Fez.i 

It appears from my conversation with Pibrac that 
the Queen will not receive her dower till January, and 
I am anxious to know what arrangement your Majesty 
proposes for providing her with funds in the meantime.^ 

November 13, 1574. 

* Sebastian, grandson of Charles V., became King of Portugal in 
1557, when he was only three years old. At the time Busbecq wrote he 
was a gallant young man of twenty, dreaming of great exploits as a 
Crusader. Four years later he attempted to put his ideas into practice, 
and invaded Africa with a large force. His army was annihilated in the 
battle of Alcazar (August 4th, 1 578), and the brave young King perished 
on the field. His romantic end produced a deep impression on his sub- 
jects. ' It may be mentioned,' says the Times (December 1825), 'as a 
singular species of infatuation, that many Portuguese residing in Brazil, 
as well as in Portugal, still believe in the coming of Sebastian, the ro- 
mantic king, who was killed about the year 1578, in a pitched battle with 
the Emperor Muley Moluc. Some of these old visionaries will go out 
wrapped in their large cloaks, on a windy night, to watch the movements 
of the heavens, and frequently, if an exhalation is seen flitting in the air, 
resembling a falling star, they will cry out, " There he comes ! " ' For a 
curious story of a hoax played on one of these fanatics, see Hone's Every- 
day Book, voL ii. page Z^. 

' In this and some other letters, passages referring to arrangements 
connected with the dower have been curtailed or altogether omitted. It 
is sufficient to state that Elizabeth's dower had been fixed at 60,000 
francs per annum, and that Busbecq's object was to see that it was pro- 
perly secured. 



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THE QUEEN'S DOWER. 31 



LETTER IX. 

On Saturday last I despatched a letter to your Majesty 
by a gentleman who paid a visit to the Queen 011 be- 
half of the King and Queen Mother, as he told me that 
on his return to Lyons the Seneschal of that city would 
be sent to your Majesty. The Queen also wrote a 
letter, which I enclosed. I wrote in such a hurry that 
I am afraid my letter is hardly as clear as it should be ; 
I trust your Majesty will, with your usual kindness, 
pardon its shortcomings. 

The purport of my letter was that the Queen was 
convalescent, and that her dower was to commence on 
the I St of January. She will then begin life afresh, 
and her residence and the arrangements of her esta- 
blishment will depend upon your Majesty s pleasure. 
1 humbly trust that your Majesty will make such pro- 
vision as the case requires.' 

I understand that in similar cases the widows of 
French Kings have been sent home with a French 
retinue at the charge of the royal treasury ; but I see 
that the Queen s officials are anxious as to the source 
from which funds are to be provided until her revenues 
shall begin to accrue, for her debts are already large, 
and will be still greater by January i. At that date 
she will not owe less than 50,000 francs. The King 
ought to pay the money, but I am afraid he will not do 
so punctually, and in that case her creditors are likely 
to become troublesome. I am also anxious as to her 
income, for I fear that, whatever reductions are made 
in her household, she will have difficulty in meeting 
her expenses if she remains in France. 

As to other matters, there is not much for me to 



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32 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

say, except that the King's affairs are far from pros- 
perous. The besieged garrison of Lusignan has made 
a successful sally, and Montpensier has lost so many 
men that he is compelled to raise the siege. Some 
companies also of the Comte de Retz*s forces, with a de- 
tachment of cavalry, have likewise, they say, been cut 
to pieces by Damville's troops. Damville is believed 
to be full of confidence, and busy in making prepara- 
tions for defence. He holds a commission as Condi's 
lieutenant. There are fears that Cond6 himself will 
take the field, and that troops will be raised in Ger- 
many. In confirmation of this, we hear that the people 
of Rochelle have sold a large quantity of salt to Ger- 
man traders, whose ships are lying in their harbour, 
and that the proceeds are to be placed to the credit of 
Cond6 in Germany, for the purpose of hiring soldiers. 
If this be true, it is very serious news for France. 

As to the King's views with regard to marriage, I 
cannot speak with any certainty- Some think that 
he has set his heart on Monsieur de Vaudemont's 
daughter, who is a very handsome girl. Besides, the 
King is devoted to the House and party of Lorraine, 
and most anxious for its advancement. 

However, if he marries her he will cause tongues 
to wag, and give offence to those who from interest or 
jealousy are opposed to the party of Lorraine. Amongst 
these must be numbered Vend6me, Cond6, and pos- 
sibly Alengon himself, who will suspect — not without 
reason perhaps — that this marriage is only the thin end 
of the wedge. 

Paris, November i6, 1574. 



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WAS THERE A WILL? 33 



LETTER X. 

I RECEIVED your Majesty's two letters dated October 
31, and also my instructions, on November 23. I was 
at Paris when they arrived, having abandoned my visit 
to the Netherlands for reasons with which your Ma- 
jesty is already acquainted. 

I informed the Queen of your Majesty's wishes, 
and at the same time delivered the letter. I took the 
opportunity of ascertaining her views as to the de- 
sirability of my visiting the King in accordance with 
your Majesty's instructions. She thought it advisable, 
on the grounds mentioned by your Majesty. I asked 
her to think the matter over, and when I had an inter- 
view with her the next day she was still of the same 
opinion. 

Also I asked her whether the King (Charles IX.) 
had made a will before he died } She replied in the 
negative, telling me that he had only given verbal 
instructions on certain points ; she was quite sure he 
had made no will. I believe the Queen is right, for so 
far I have not heard from anyone of his leaving a will. 
I will, however, make further inquiries. 

A few days after I had written my last letter to 
your Majesty, the Bishop of Paris,^ who is the Queen's 
Chancellor, paid me a visit, and we were shortly after- 
wards joined by the Comte de Fiesco and Monsieur 
de France, the Queen's first steward. We discussed 
the question of the dower; the last two gentlemen 
expressed their doubts as to the possibility of getting 
the pension of 20,000 francs usually granted to Queens 
Dowager charged on a good security, quoting the case 

* Pierre de Gondi, see note, page 39. 
VOL. II. D 



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34 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

of the Queen of Scots, whose pension was settled in 
such a way as to be absolutely worthless. 

It would be of the greatest advantage to the Queen, 
your Majesty's daughter, if she could have the com- 
mand of 10,000 or 12,000 thalers to meet her expenses 
until the revenues of her dower shall begin to accrue. 
I think we could manage without money in hard cash, 
if a credit could be opened at Lyons or Antwerp, so 
that we might be able to draw on our agents. My duty 
to your Majesty and the Queen, my mistress, renders 
it incumbent on me to make this suggestion, but I shall 
gladly acquiesce in your Majesty's decision, whatever 
it may be. 

Your Majesty mentions * credentials.' I have not 
received them, and I think they would be of some 
service to me ; for if anyone should challenge my 
right to act as the Queen's representative, I have no 
authority to produjce except my letter of instructions, 
and I should not care to have its entire contents made 
public. 

Paris, November 30, 1574. 



LETTER XL 



I SET out on the journey which I had undertaken at the 
desire of your Majesty, and arrived at Lyons December 
1 2. There I waited a couple of days for the purpose 
of making inquiries as to the remainder of my route, 
and obtaining what was needful for the road. 

I felt it my duty to have an interview with the 
Spanish Ambassador and ascertain from him how mat- 
ters were going on. His Excellency had been ordered 
to remain at Lyons with the other ambassadors, and 



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^A HAZARDOUS VOYAGE. 35 

there await the King's arrival ; but he had a still more 
imperative reason for remaining — to wit, the gout ! 

He advised me most kindly with regard to my 
journey, telling me much of the dangers to be en- 
countered, both on the river route and that by land, 
and recommending me strongly not to go to Avignon. 
I think he would have persuaded me, had I not sent 
for some boatmen who had lately made the voyage ; 
from them I ascertained that matters were not nearly 
so bad as the Ambassador had represented ; there was 
a risk, but no certainty, of our being attacked^ Ac- 
cordingly, not wishing to waste my time at Lyons, 
where no intelligence was to be obtained of the move- 
ments of the King — nor, indeed, any news at all— and 
thus displease both your Majesty and the Queen, I de- 
termined at all hazards to continue my journey. 

Accordingly I embarked at Lyons on the 1 5th, and 
reached Avignon on the 1 7th.^ By God's mercy, I 
encountered no difficulty or danger on the way, and 
found the road far safer and pleasanter than I had been 
led to expect. Not that it was altogether safe, for 
at Valence Bishop Montluc/^ (the chief negotiator in 

^ John Evelyn made the same expedition by water from Lyons to 
Avignon, some seventy years later. A full account of his voyage is given 
in his Diary (p. 69, Chandos edition). Like Busbecq he stopped at 
Valence. * We then came to Valence, a capital Citty carrying the title 
of a Dutchey, but the Bishop is now sole lord temporal of it and the 
country about it The towne having an University famous for the study 
of the civil law, is much frequented ; but the Churches are none of 
the fairest, having been greatly defaced in the time of the warrs.' 

* Jean de Montluc, Bishop of Valence, was one of the most successful 
diplomatists of his day ; he had been ambassador at Constantinople 
in 1537, on which occasion he received the pot of balsam, which he 
afterwards lost in Ireland (see vol. i. p. 387). Henry III. owed his Polish 
Crown to his exertions and diplomatic skill. He was father of that bold 
and unscrupulous adventurer, Balagny. 

His career is thus sketched by a contemporary : — 

* II avoit est^ de sa premiere profession jacobin, et la feue royne de 
Navarre Margueritte, qui aymoit les gens s^avans et spirituels, le cognois- 

D 2 



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36 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

the Polish business), when he came on board to pay 
his respects, advised me to take with me six mus- 
keteers, as people had been stopped in the neighbour- 
hood, and some had been killed. I followed his advice. 
I had an audience of the King on the 19th of the 
same month, and was received' most kindly. On my 
delivering your Majesty's message and letter, together 
with that of the Empress, he answered in very hand 
some terms, that for your Majesty's sake he would do 
all that lay in his power for the Queen, and spoke at 
great length of the attentions and kind services he had 
received at your hands. The Queen Mother (Catherine 
de Medici), to whose presence I was admitted a few 
days later, held similar language ; she had been suffer- 
ing from constant sickness, which prevented her giving 
me an earlier interview. I ascertained later that the 
King had sent letters to the Queen at Paris touching 
the dower, and that, contrary to the usual custom, they 
had been registered by the Parliament of Paris before 
being presented to the Queen. I called on his Majesty 
and made some objections to his proposal. The King 
said he must refer the matter to his council, and also 
wait for an answer from the Queen s advisers. He 
spoke of your Majesty's kindness at great length, and 
specially of the assurances he had lately received, 
through Vulcob,^ that he would have your Majesty's 
support if he cared to keep his kingdom of Poland. 

sant tel, le deffrocqua et le mcna avec elle k la Court, le fit cognoistre, le 
poussa, luy ayda, le fit employer en plusieurs ambassades ; car je pense 
qu'il n'y a guicres pays en FEurope ou il n'ayt est^ ambassadeur et en 
negotiation, ou grande ou petite, jusques en Constantinople, qui fut son 
premier advancement, et k Venize, en Polongne, Angleterre, Escosse 
et autres lieux. On le tenoit Lutherien au commencement, et puis Cal- 
viniste, centre sa profession episcopalle ; mais il s'y comporta modeste- 
ment par bonne mine et beau semblant ; la reyne de Navarre le deffroc- 
qua pour Tamour de cela.' — BrantSme, iii. 52. 

* Monsieur de Vulcob, French Ambassador at the Court of Maximil- 



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CATHERINE'S OPINION OF ELIZABETH. 37 

In the course of our conversation I discovered that 
the King would do whatever the Queen Mother wished, 
so I determined to approach her again and ask for her 
services on behalf of the Queen. She professed the 
utmost willingness and said, she would do her best for 
the Queen, who had been an excellent daughter to her. 

A few days later, de Morvilliers,^ the Bishop of 
Orleans, and the Bishop of Limoges called on me and 
we had a long discussion with regard to the dower. I 
must not forget to mention that, when the King told 
me that your Majesty had offered to assist him in keep- 
ing his kingdom of Poland, I was much surprised, but 

ian. See Charri^re, Negotiations de Li France dans le Levant^ iii. 596, 
note. 

* Jean de Morvilliers was born at Blois in 1 506. He was ambassador 
at Venice from 1546 to 1550, and was rewarded for his services by re- 
ceiving the Bishopric of Orleans in 1552. After he became bishop, the 
Chapter of his cathedral, by a statute passed in November 1552, ordered 
him to shave off his beard. He refused to comply, and the quarrel raged 
fiercely for four years, till finally in J556 it was appeased by a letter 
from the King to the Chapter, in which he declared that he required 
to send Morvilliers to various countries in which a beard was necessary, 
and therefore ordered the Chapter to receive him beard and all. He did 
not, however, take possession of his cathedral till 1559. Francis II. 
appointed him a Privy Councillor, and in 1561 he took part in the Con- 
ference of Poissy, and in the following year attended the Council of 
Trent, as one of the French representatives. He was afterwards ambas- 
sador to the Duke of Savoy, and in 1564 was one of the negotiators of 
the Treaty of Troyes, between Charles IX. and Queen Elizabeth. In the 
same year he gave up his Bishopric in favour of his nephew. On the 
disgrace of the Chancellor THdpital, in 1568, he became Keeper of the 
Seals, but in 1571 had to resign them to Birague. In de Thou's opinion 
(iii. 209), he was honest and prudent, but cautious to the verge of timidity, 
and therefore always pursued a policy of expediency. He was the head 
of the party who were in favour of peace but thought no religious reform 
was required, and who therefore, in order to remain on good terms with 
the extreme Catholic party headed by the Guises, did not hesitate to 
evade or violate the pledges given to the Protestants. See Thuanus^ iii. 
35. De Thou's estimate of his character is borne out by a State-paper 
preserved by d'Aubign^ {Histoire^ vol. ii. bk. i. ch. ii.), written by Mor- 
villiers at the request of Charles IX. in 1572, in opposition to Coligny's 
project of war with Spain. 



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38 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

made no reply, as I thought it might possibly be a trap. 
I wonder also that nothing has been said as to the non- 
payment of the marriage portion ^ ; I am afraid they 
are keeping this argument in reserve. 

I must not forget to inform your Majesty that, in 
the course of my interview with the Queen Mother, she 
told me she felt assured of the kindly feeling which 
your Majesty entertained for her, because your Majesty 
had continually advised her against war, whereas those 
who wished her ill had given the opposite coimsel. 
She had followed your Majesty's advice, she said, for 
a long time, and thereby exposed herself to severe 
criticism from not a few. 

Lyons, January 24, 1575. 



LETTER XII. 



To-day the King set out from Lyons on his way to 
Rheims, where he is to be crowned — as he told me 
himself— on the 13th. 

I will not weary your Majesty with a full description 
of the state of France, but content myself with a sketch. 

Ever since the commencement of the civil wars 
which are distracting the country, there has been a 
terrible change for the worse. So complete is the 
alteration, that those who knew France before would 

* Elizabeth's marriage portion had never been paid, and Busbecq was 
afraid that this fact might be adduced as a reason for not paying her dower 
now she was a widow ; and also, in case of the failure of Maximilian's issue 
male, a claim might be set up on behalf of her daughter, that Elizabeth's 
renunciation of her rights of succession was invalid for the same reason. 
That Busbecq's fears were not ill-founded is shown by the fact that Louis 
XIV. argued that his wife's renunciation of her rights to the Crown of 
Spain was invalid, as her marriage portion had never been paid. 



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THE MISERABLE STATE OF FRANCE, 39 

not recognise her again. Everywhere are to be seen 
shattered buildings, fallen churches, and towns in ruins ; 
while the traveller gazes horror-stricken on spots which 
have but lately been the scenes of murderous deeds 
and inhuman cruelties. The fields are left untilled : 
the farmer's stock and tools have been carried ofif by 
the soldier as his booty, he is plundered alike by French- 
man and by foreigner. Commerce is crippled ; the towns 
lately thronged with merchants and customers are now 
mourning their desolation in the midst of closed shops 
and silent manufactories. Meanwhile, the inhabitants, 
ground down by ceaseless exactions, are crying out at 
the immense sums which are being squandered for 
nought, or applied to purposes for which they were 
never intended. They demand a reckoning in tones 
which breathe a spirit of rebellion. Men of experience, 
members of the oldest families in France, are in many 
cases regarded with suspicion, and either not allowed to 
come to Court, or left to vegetate at home. Besides 
the two parties into which Frenchmen are divided by 
their religious differences, there are also feuds and 
quarrels which affect every grade of society. 

In the first place, the feeling against the Italians 
who are in the French service is very strong ; the high 
promotion they have received and the important duties 
with which they have been intrusted,^ arouse the 
jealousy of men who consider them ignorant of French 
business, and hold that they have neither merit, ser- 
vices, nor birth to justify their appointment. Birague, 
as Chancellor, holds one of the highest offices in the 
kingdom; Comte de Retz^ is a Mar^chal ; Strozzi is 

* The Comte de Retz was the son of a Florentine banker at Lyons, 
named Gondi, Seigneur du P^ron. His wife entered the service of Cathe- 
rine de Medici, and took charge of her children in their infancy. She 
endeared herself to the Queen, who being Regent during the minority of 



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40 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

in command of the infantry of France ; Guadagni is 
Seneschal of Lyons; and in the same way other 
Italians occupy most important posts, while French- 
men murmur. 

Again, Italians farm nearly all the taxes, and exact 
their dues so rigidly as to drive the natives, who are 
unaccustomed to such extortion, to the very verge of 
rebellion; there will be another Saint Bartholomew^ 
if they do not take care, and they will be the victims. 

The feuds which separate the leading families of 
France are more bitter than those described in ancient 
tragedy; this is the state of feeling which exists 
between the Houses of Guise, Venddme and Bourbon, 
not to mention that of Montmorency, which, through 
its alliances and connections, has a considerable party 
of its own. 

The Bourbons are the strongest ; the Guises have 
most influence at Court, but this is an advantage which 
they may lose any day by the death of the King, and 
then their fall is inevitable. 

By his nearest relations the King is feared rather 

Charles IX. advanced her children to the highest posts : the Comte de 
Retz became first Gentleman of the Chamber to the King, and a Mar- 
shal of France ; he acquired enormous wealth. His brother, Pierre de 
Gondi, was made Bishop of Paris, and afterwards Cardinal; he had 
other preferments worth 30,000 or 40,000 livres'per annum, and property 
worth 200,000 crowns j while a third brother was Master of the Wardrobe 
to the King. 

* The following is an extract from a diary kept by a French official 
during this same year 1575 : — * Le mardi 6* juillet, fust pendu k Paris, et 
puis mis en quatre quartiers, un capitaine nomm^ la Vergerie, condamnd k 
mort par Birague, chancelier, et quelques maistres des requestes nomm^s 
par la Roine-m^re, qui lui firent son proems bien court dedans FHostel de 
ladite Ville de Paris. Toute sa charge estoit que, s'estant trouv^ en 
quelque compagnie, ou on parloit de la querelle des escoliers et des 
Italiens, il avoit dit qu'il faloit se ranger du costd des escoliers et sacca- 
ger et couper la gorge k tous ces. . . . Italiens, et k tous ceux qui les por- 
toient et soustenoient, comme estans cause de la ruine de la France : 
sans avoir autre chose fait ni attentd contre iceux/ — De PEstoile, i. 69. 



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HUGUENOT STRONGHOLDS, 41 

than loved, for, knowing the designs they entertained 
before the death of his brother (Charles IX.), they 
have no confidence in his mercy and forgiveness, 
though he professes to have pardoned them, and think 
that his vengeance is only deferred for a time. On 
the other hand, the King must see clearly from the 
flight of Cond6 what the feelinga of his own family are 
towards him. 

The district in which the rebellion on religious 
grounds has struck its deepest roots begins at Rochelle 
and reaches to the Rhone, comprising the whole of 
Guienne and Languedoc : it includes Saintonge, Poitou, 
the Limousin, Perigord, Gascony, the country round 
Narbonne, &c., &c. Nor is this all ; across the Rhone, 
in Dauphiny itself, Montbrun has seized places, as, 
for instance, Livron, which is now besieged by the 
Royalists. 

In making the statement that the rebels are powerful 
in Languedoc and Guienne, I must not be understood to 
say that the principal cities of those provinces do not 
obey the King ; my meaning is that the insurgents 
occupy posts of vantage throughout the country, 
which enable them to render both life and property 
insecure ; there is no peace or quiet for those who are 
loyal to the King. To drive them from their fortresses 
would be a most difficult task, for they have formid- 
able positions and strong fortifications, garrisoned by 
veteran soldiers, who have made up their minds to die 
rather than trust the King's word. Such, undoubtedly, 
is their determination, for though peace, which is the 
only cure for these ills, has lately been freely mentioned, 
and certain men were at Avignon from Cond6 and his 
party, still, up to the present moment, no arrangement 
has been concluded. True, the King is ready to pledge 
his word that, if his towns are restored to him, no one 



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42 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

shall be troubled on account of his religion ; but the 
memory of Saint Bartholomew ^ is a fatal obstacle : they 
will place no confidence in his promise, and believe 
that it is only a stratagem to destroy the survivors of 
that night. 

Such acts of treachery, it would seem, never answer 
in the long run, whatever the advantage at the time 
may be ! 

Some people have a notion that the idea of peace 
is not seriously entertained, but is simply a manoeuvre 
to break up the confederacy by making overtures to 
some of its members. 

Ambassadors, it is true, have been sent lately to 
Rochelle, but in the meantime both parties are busy 
fighting : the King is pressing on the sieges of Livron 
and Lusignan, while the rebels are using every means 
in their power to harass and perplex him. After the 
King's departure from Avignon, they took possession 
of Aigues-Mortes,^ where they found a store of cannon, 
which will be of great service to them. One fort, how- 
ever, still remains in the hands of the Royalists, and the 
Due de Uzes, who commands for the King, does not 
despair of retaking the town under cover of its fire. 

It is not that I should regard the situation as hope- 

' Maximilian put on record his protest against the Massacre of Saint 
Bartholomew in a letter to Lazarus Schwendi :— * Quod attinet ad praecla- 
rum illud facinus quod Galli in Amiralio ejusque sociis tjrrannic^ perpe- 
trarunt, equidem id minimi probare possum, magnoque cum dolore in- 
tellexi Generum meum sibi persuaderi passum tarn foedam lanienam 
Quanquam scio magis alios imperare qukm ipsum. Attamen hoc ad 
excusationem facti non sufficit, neque hoc satis est palliando sceleri.' 
— Maximilian to Laz. Schwendi. Ley den, 1603. 2nd edition. 

* Jean St. Chaumont, being at Nismes with a picked body of soldiers, 
determined to make an attempt on Aigues-Mortes. Guided by some Pro- 
testants who had been driven out of the town, he contrived one night 
to blow open the gates ; his troops rushed in and took possession of the 
place. The garrison fled to the tower of Constance, which cwo days later 
was compelled to surrender. See Thuanusy iii. 83. 



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CHARACTER OF HENRY III. 43 

less, if there were a prospect of matters taking a turn 
for the better, but, bad as is the present state of things, it is 
nothing compared to what we may expect any day to see. 

Having given my ideas as to the state of the 
country, I will now give my opinion of the King. Of 
his character your Majesty has had opportunities of 
judging ; he is naturally well disposed, and in the 
hands of good advisers and councillors of sound judg- 
ment might turn out a pattern sovereign. But his 
companions are wild young men, the tone of French 
society is licentious, and he listens to selfish intriguers 
who are seeking their own advantage ; under such 
circumstances, who can say that he will not go astray ? 
Both he and his brother (Alen9on) are of a weakly 
constitution and not likely to be long-lived. 

The ambassadors who came from Poland have 
been ordered to remain at Lyons, and there await the 
King's arrival ; it is supposed that his Majesty will 
not care much, for the despatches which they bring, as 
they are couched in rough, not to say threatening, lan- 
guage. It seems that the King has thoughts of keeping 
Poland, for, though he is still a bachelor, he has an- 
nounced his intention of bestowing it on one of his 
future children, and with this view is negotiating for 
an alliance with the King of Sweden's daughter ; for 
my own part, however, I am inclined to suspect that 
this is a mere feint. First among the aspirants to the 
Crown of Poland stands the Duke of Ferrara, but in 
France the idea is that the Transylvanian ^ is the can- 
didate most popular with the Poles. The King is dis- 
satisfied with the Duke of Savoy's conduct with regard 

* Stephen Bathory, Voivode of Transylvania. He and Maximilian 
were eventually both elected in 1576, and civil war was imminent in con- 
sequence ; but the death of Maximilian a few months later left Bathory 
in undisputed possession of the Crown. 



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44 LETTERS FROM FRANCE, 

to Damville, and it is supposed that, if what is past 
could be recalled, he would not be so liberal with his 
towns.^ 

It seems that the siege of Livron will be a long 
business ; for, though the wall has been battered with 
cannon, and there is as wide a breach as the besiegers 
could desire for them to mount to the attack, two 
assaults have already been repulsed with heavy loss. 
There are several reasons to account for these failures : 
in the first place, the attacking column has to climb up 
hill through the rubbish and cUbris, which crumble 
away under their feet ; secondly, fresh intrenchments 
have been made within the circuit of the walls, and 
the besieged are so confident of holding the town 
that they may almost be said to laugh at the efforts of 
their enemies.^ I saw this with my own eyes when I 
passed Livron on my way back from Avignon. Thirdly, 
when they come to close quarters, not only do they 
meet with a most stubborn resistance from the men, but 
many of them are also wounded by the women, who 
rain stones upon them from the roofs and ramparts. 
I saw six ensigns on the walls of the town, whence it 
is assumed that there are 400 soldiers in the garrison ; 
they have muskets, but no cannon. His son-in-law, 
who was in command of the town, having been killed 
by a cannon-ball, Montbrun, the night before I arrived, 
sent four more gentlemen into the place with a party of 
soldiers ; it is said that they passed through the out- 
posts of the German horse commanded by Count 
Nogarola. 

Your Majesty no doubt received intelligence long 

* See page 13, and note, page 14. 

'In order to show her contempt for the besieging army, one of the 
women of Livron brought her distaff to the breach, and sat herself down 
to spin. See Thuanus^ iii. 83. 



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DEATH OF THE CARDINAL OF LORRAINE. 45 

ago of the death of the Cardinal of Lorraine.^ He 
died of fever, after an illness of eighteen days. The 
attack was brought on, people think, by his walking in a 
procession of Flagellants, at night The Queen Mother 
has been poorly from the same cause, and her daughter 
(Marguerite), wife of Venddme (Henry of Navarre), 
had a troublesome cold, which lasted several days. 

There are four societies of Flagellants at Avignon ; 
the Cardinal enrolled himself in one of them, and ad- 
vised the King to do the same ; his Majesty's example 
was followed by the whole of the nobility. On one 
occasion, when they were walking in procession with 
these societies at night, which is the usual time for 
such ceremonies, there was a very cold wind, and 
this is supposed to have been the cause of the Cardinal's 
illness and death, for two or three days afterwards he 
fell sick. 

He was a great man, and took a prominent part in 
the government of the country. In him we have lost 
a profound scholar, an eloquent speaker, an experienced 
statesman. He was ever anxious to advance the in- 

* Charles, son of Claude Duke of Guise and Antoinette de Bourbon, 
bom 1524. Archbishop of Rheims 1538. Cardinal 1547. There is 
little doubt as to the cause of his death being that which is given by 
Busbecq, though some declared that he was murdered by means of a 
poisoned torch, and others that he was presented with a poisoned purse. 
For some time before he had been complaining of severe pain in the 
head. See Thuanus^ iii. 47, 48. 

* Le dimanche 26* d^cembre k cinq heures du matin, Charles, cardinal 
de Lorraine, aag^ de cinquante ans, mourust en Avignon d'une fiebvre, 
symptom^ d'un extreme mal de teste provenu du serein d'Avignon, 
qui est fort dangereux, qui lui avoit offens^ le cerveau k la procession des 
Battus, oiji il s'estoit trouv^, en grande devotion, avec le crucefix k la main, 
les pieds k moicti^ nuds et la teste peu couverte, qui est le poison qu'on 
a depuis voulu faire accroire qu'on lui avoit donn^.' — De PEstoile^ i. 40. 
The character the zealous Protestant d'Aubign^ gives of the Cardinal 
{Histoire^ vol. ii. bk. ii. ch. xi.) is as follows : ' esprit sans borne, tres chiche 
et craintif de sa vie, prodigue de celle d'autrui, pour le seul but qu'il a eu 
en vivant, assavoir d'eslever sa race k une desmesur^e grandeur.' 



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46 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

terests of his party and his family, and I am by no 
means sure that the State did not sometimes suffer in 
consequence. The King visited him during his illness, 
and would have gone to him oftener if he had not been 
afraid of infection. He has felt his death deeply. 
When the body was being removed from Avignon, on 
its way to Rheims, the King and four Cardinals accom- 
panied it to the gates of the city. They were attended 
by all the nobles of the Court, with the King's brother 
and the King of Navarre (as they style him here) at 
their head. These last, I imagine, were by no means 
sorry to do this honour, not to the Cardinal, but to his 
corpse ! He died at night, and the Queen Mother was 
so upset by his death that the next day she fancied 
she saw him bidding her farewell, and could hear him 
saying * Adieu, madame ; adieu, madame.' She tried 
to point him out to those who were with her.^ 

Whilst I was writing, news came that Lusignari 
had surrendered to Montpehsier. The garrison are to 
be allowed to retire to Bouteville and Pons with their 
arms and property. I hear also that the siege of Livron 
has been raised ; the attacking force is broken up ; the 



* Catherine de Medici was supposed to be endowed with second-sight. 
Her daughter gives several instances in her memoirs. 

* Mesme la nuict devant la miserable course en lice, elle songea comme 
elle voyoit le feu Roy mon pere blessd k Toeil, comme U fust. . . . Elle n*a 
aussy jamais perdu aucun de ses enfans qu'elle n'aye veu une fort grande 
flamme, \ laquelle soudain elle s>Bscrioit ; " Dieu garde mes enfans ! " 
et incontinent apres, elle entendoit la triste nouvelle qui, par ce feu, lui 
avoit est^ augur^e , . . Elle s'escrie, continuant ses resveries, comme si 
elle eust veu donner la bataille de Jamac; " Voyez-vous comme ils fuient ! 
Mon fils a la victoire. . Hd, mon Dieu ] relevez mon fils ! il est par terre ! 
Voyez, voyez, dans cette haye, le Prince de Condd mort ! " ' — Mdmoires de 
Marguerite^ p. 42-43. The story of the Cardinal's ghost is given more 
fully in De TEstoile's diary : * Puis aiant demand^ \ boire, comme on 
lui eust bailie son verre, elle commenga tellement k trembler, qu'il lui 
cuida tumber des mains, et s'escria : " Jdsus ! voila M. le cardinal de 
Lorraine que je voy ! "' — De VEstoiley i. 41. 



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A FRENCH COMPLIMENT. 47 

men being quartered in the neighbouring villages, from 
which they are to watch the town and see that no pro- 
visions are brought in. They will have a hard task, 
methinks, to keep up so strict a blockade, as not to be 
sometimes given the slip. 

Lyons, January 24, 1 575. 



LETTER XIII. 



[The whole of this letter is occupied with business 
connected with the dower. It is dated Paris, February 
9, 1575-] 



LETTER XIV. 



I RECEIVED your Majesty's letter of December 3 1 on 
February 5, in which your Majesty graciously ac- 
quaints me with the information touching the dower 
given by the Seneschal of Lyons. On this head I 
wrote at such length in my former letter that there is 
no need for me to recur to the subject again. Your 
Majesty next informs me that the Seneschal of Lyons 
said that the Queen would be treated in the same 
manner as during her husband's lifetime, a statement 
which, I think, must be considered one of mere polite- 
ness — in short, a French compliment ! 

With regard to your Majesty's questions as to the 
manner in which the Queen will return, I understand 
that the King will see that she is escorted to Vienna, 
or whatever her destination may be, by gentlemen of 
high rank and a distinguished retinue, following in 



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48 LETTERS FROM FRANCE, 

this respect the precedent of the Queen of Scots, whom 
his predecessor (Charles I X.) sent to Scotland at his 
own charges. The only expense that will fall on your 
Majesty will be the presents that must be made to 
those who accompany her, and the cost of their journey 
when they return. 

Before leaving, I asked what your Majesty s wishes 
were with regard to the cipher I was to use. I was 
desired to draw up a code on my way, and forward 
it to your Majesty. I drew up a code at Speyer, and 
put it in a letter, of which I now enclose a copy. If 
the letter arrived, I presume that the cipher arrived 
too ; in the other case, they will both have been lost 
together. I send another code, which seems to me 
less difficult. I am surprised that your Majesty has 
not received the letter I wrote at the end of Novem- 
ber, before setting out for Avignon. Some of your 
Majesty s despatches to me are also missing — viz. those 
dated December ii and i6. 

As to the state of France, matters are at a dead-* 
lock. They would fain be at peace, for war means 
ruin, and the very sinews of war. are failing ; but still 
they insist on the restoration of the King's towns as a 
matter in which his honour is concerned. On the 
other hand, the insurgents do not care for any peace 
which does not furnish guarantees for their safety. As 
to confidence, which is the very bond of human society, 
they have lost it altogether, and will trust nought save 
walls and fortifications. 

Such a difference of views it is not easy to recon- 
cile. I think that anyone who offered to act as me- 
diator would be welcomed by the King, as he would 
then be able to patch up a peace by pledging some one 
else's word. His own is absolutely worthless. But 
who would care to pledge himself, when there are a 



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'PRO ARIS ET FOCIS: 



49 



hundred ways in which his guarantee may be set 
at nought ? 

Some, however, wish that a league could be made 
against the Turk, and Cond^ sent to Hungary, with 
large forces both of foot and horse, by way of pumping 
out the water from which, according to their idea, 
France is foundering. 

But it is an idle scheme, for the object of the rebels 
in making war is to protect their altars and firesides, 
their children and their wives ; and I fail to under- 
stand by what argument they can be induced to aban- 
don all they hold dear, and allow themselves to be 
sent to Hungary. This .also is the opinion expressed 
to me lately by Bellievre,^ who was the late King's am- 
bassador in Poland. Your Majesty saw him when the 
King came to Vienna. He is a man who carries great 
weight. He assured me in the most solemn manner 
that the King, at his suggestion, had written during his 
stay at Mantua, and again from France, to his ambas- 
sador at Constantinople, ordering him to support your 
Majesty's interests, and that if he had done otherwise 
he had distinctly disobeyed the orders of his master.^ 

^ Pomponne de Belli^vre, jurist and diplomatist. Bom at Lyons in 
1529, he was twice Charles IX.'s ambassador to Switzerland, and accom- 
panied Henry III. to Poland. In 1586 he was sent to England to ask 
for the release of Mary Queen of Scots. In 1599 Henry made him 
Chancellor, a post which he held tiU 1604. He died in 1607. 

^ The following extract from a letter, dated November 3, 1574, and 
written by the King to his representative at Constantinople, proves the 
truth of diis statement : — ^ Toutesfois je veux vous advertir et luy aussy 
(the bishop of Acqs, the late Ambassador), s'il est encores par delk, que 
tout fratchement j'ay receu et de bon lieu que I'empereur se plaint fort de 
luy et des offices qu'il a faicts par delk contre ses affaires. Je sgay bien 
quMl n'a eu consideration qu'k mon service ; toutesfois je seray bien aise 
que durant votre legation vous vous comportiez envers ses ministres le 
plus amiablement que vous pourrez et leur presterez toute faveur en ce que 
touchera le particulier d'iceluy S' empereur o\k vous verrez que mon 
service ne sera point engag^, afin qu'il cognoisse que je me ressens du bon 
recueil et faveur qu'il me fist derni^rement passant par ses terres, et ay en 

VOL. II. E 



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so LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

The advice that your Majesty gave the King ^ — viz. 
that he should avoid war — is frequently mentioned both 
by the Catholics and their enemies. They say the 
King is sorry he did not adopt it, and preferred to enter 
his kingdom with the gates of Janus wide open, instead 
of closing them. Accordingly, Pibrac, who was the only 
man for taking your Majesty's advice, and stood alone 
as the advocate of peace, though at first evil spoken 
of, is now praised by all. The whole blame with 
regard ta the war is laid on the Cardinal and the 
Queen Mother, the first of whom allowed his ani- 
mosity to carry him too far, while the other was afraid 
that, if peace were declared, she would be reduced 
to the level of a subject and find her reign at an 
end. 

I have now only to inform your Majesty of that of 
which your Majesty must be already aware — viz. that 
my funds are completely exhausted by my long and 
expensive journey to Avignon, and that I have been 
obliged to incur some debts. I therefore humbly pe- 
tition for the payment of my half-year's salary to Jerome 
de Cocq, who will arrange for its being remitted to me 
here, in case your Majesty shall consider it advisable 
to retain my services for the Queen. 

Paris, February 9, 1575, 

I trust your Majesty will not take it amiss that I 
have been occasionally addressed as ambassador in 
France; for, in spite of my protestations, I cannot 
prevent their sometimes giving me this title. It mat- 

recommandatioh la legation qui est en nostre royaume.' — Charri^re, 
Negotiations de la France dans le Levant, iil 578. 

^ Maximilian gave this advice to Henry III. when he stopped at Vienna 
on his way back to France. * Caesarem prudentissimum juxta et optimum 
principem hoc Regi consilium dedisse memorant, ut pacem primis iregni 
auspiciis et in Galliae ingressu suis daret.' — Thuanusy iii. 8. 



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THE ROYAL WEDDING. 51 

ters the less because it is quite clear that I am not 
your Majesty's ambassador. 

The Queen has just sent for me, to say that there 
is a general report, which she hears on all sides, that 
the King is on the point of marrying the daughter of 
Vaudemont of Lorraine, and that the ceremony will be 
celebrated next Monday, at Rheims. She does not know 
how she ought to treat her with regard to precedence^ 
when she comes to Paris, I trust your Majesty will 
deign to advise us on this matter. Possibly your Ma- 
jesty may think it advisable for the Queen to leave 
Paris and go somewhere else — -for instance, to her 
daughter at Amboise, or to any other place your Ma- 
jesty may prefer. 

I think I told your Majesty of this love-affair of 
the King's — in my letter dated November 16, if I 
remember rightly. It is quite certain that this engage- 
ment, which was a secret to all but a very few, and 
might almost deserve the epithet of clandestine^ will 
cause a bitter feeling throughout France. Vend6me's 
sister,^ who is now of marriageable years, is intended 
for Alen9on, so that he will ally himself with the 
Bourbons, while the King will be connected with the 
Guises. As to the policy of these marriages I am 
doubtful and fear that they will only add to the miseries 
of France. 

I now implore your Majesty to send back the bearer 
of this letter as soon as possible with full instructions 
on all points. 

The future Queen is, if I am not mistaken, the 
daughter of a sister of Count Egmont. 

The Queen has sent for me again, and shown me 
a letter from the Queen Mother, informing her of the 

* Her name was Catherine. She eventually married in 1599 Henry, 
Duke of Bar, son of Charles, Duke of Lorraine, and died in 1604. 

E 2 



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52 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

approaching marriage of her son the King, and telling 
her that the wedding is to take place next Tuesday ; 
she requests her to send nearly all her attendants to 
wait on the new Queen.^ Accordingly, many of her 
people have left, in order to oblige the King ; a few 
have refused to change their mistress at such short 
notice. Among these last are the Comte de Fiesco 
and his wife. I should be glad if your Majesty would 
notice their loyal conduct in your next letter. 

I trust your Majesty will seriously consider what 
ought to be done; we must have a clear and distinct 
answer. 

Whither is the Queen, your Majesty's daughter, to 
go ? It is impossible for her to remain in France 
without seriously compromising her position, for here 
all will attach themselves to the new Queen, and, as 
usual, worship the rising sun ! It is a common saying 
that if one loses one's position in life, life is not worth 
the having. I will not say more, as I rely on your 
Majesty's discretion, and affection for your most loving 
and obedient daughter. 

In the first place, we must have either cash or 
credit, and for that reason I am going to the Nether- 
lands. As soon as the messenger shall have returned 
to Brussels, I shall be in a position to draw the money 
from whatever house your Majesty may please to ap- 
point, and return with it to the Queen. 

By this means I trust we shall be able to get away 
from Paris before the King returns, or at any rate leave 
soon after his arrival, and thus save our eyes and ears 

1 This was no kindness to Louise de Vaudemont. Brantome praises 
her for her loyalty to her husband : * Aussi que d^s le beau premier com- 
mencement de leur mariage, voire dix jours apr^s, il ne luy donna pas 
grande occasion de contentement, car il luy osta ses fiUes de chambre 
et damoiselles qui avoient tousjours estd avec elle et nourries d'elle estant 
fiUe, qu'elle regretta fort.* — Branidme^ v. 334. 



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FRENCH PROMISES. 53 

from a great deal of vexation; for when changes of this 
kind take place there is much that is unpleasant. 

The same day. 

As to the dower question, of which I wrote from 
Lyons, the Queen's advisers at Paris think that it will 
be impossible to obtain a settlement on Crown lands 
for the whole of the 60,000 francs per annum due to the 
Queen. They say this was not done for the Queen of 
Scots, though France was then much more prosperous, 
and her uncle, the Cardinal,^ was absolute master of 
the realm. 

Paris, February 9, 1575. 



LETTER XV. 



I HAVE now been four days in Brussels waiting for 
your Majesty's orders ; I am sure your Majesty will 
see how important it is that I should have them as 
soon as possible. When I get them I shall return to 
the Queen with all speed. 

Her position I explained clearly in my last letter. I 
have heard some remarks which make me uneasy ; people 
warn me that the French are most liberal in their pro- 
mises, but very niggardly in their performances, and 
think the Queen will have great difficulty in obtaining 
her revenues, and not' receive more than half the 
nominal amount. They quote the case of Queen 
Leonora.^ 

1 Charles, Cardinal de Lorraine. See page 45, and note. 

^ Queen Leonora, sister of Charles V. and widow of Francis I., one 
of the Princesses to whom Busbecq's grandfather, Gilles Ghiselin II., had 
httn premier dcuyer trenchant See vol i. page 26, note i. 



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54 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

I must say I am anxious, but I trust things will not 
prove quite so bad. 

With the end of this month the quarter will expire 
during which the King is to defray the Queen s ex- 
penses, and she will then be left to her own resources. 
I fail to see how funds are to be provided, unless your 
Majesty will supply them. For, even assuming that 
we should demean ourselves so far as to go begging 
to the King, we should expose ourselves to be taunted 
with holding out on the question of the dower as an 
excuse for dipping our fingers into the King's purse. 
The only available remedy is for your Majesty to place 
8,000 or 9,000 crowns to our account, and this I trust 
will be done. As to the rest, I find that some people 
here talk of the Queen for the governorship of the 
Netherlands. I should prefer seeing the appointment 
offered to one of your Majesty's sons ; still, on the sup- 
position that there should be an obstacle in the way of 
such an arrangement— as is by no means impossible — 
or in case of the Archduke's receiving a more tempting 
offer elsewhere, people have much to say as to the 
advantage which the public would reap from the 
Queen's acceptance of the post. 

Within the last few days, negotiations for peace 
have been opened at Breda,^ where both parties are 
represented by delegates. God grant they be success- 
ful, as many hope and everyone wishes ; wise men, 
however, shake their heads, for it is certain that the 
religious difficulty will prove a most serious obstacle 
on account of the great number of Hollanders and 
Zealanders who have publicly renounced the Catholic 
religion. I fail to see how they can be induced to sell 
their property and go into exile, especially as they are 
for the most part sailors and fishermen, and the loss of 

» See Mottey, RUe of the Dutch Republic, Part IV. chap. iii. 



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PHILIP AND THE NETHERLANDERS. 55 

their trade would mean to them absolute starvation. 
The King, on the other hand, is determined to allow 
none but Catholics to remain in his dominions. Most 
people despair of a solution. 

After writing my last letter I had some conversa- 
tion with a gentleman as to the Queen's return ; he 
told me that he knew for certain that the Cardinal of 
Este ^ had long ago applied for the honour of escorting 
the Queen to her destination. The Cardinal holds a 
great deal of rich preferment : they say his income 
amounts to ico,ooo crowns. 

There is now, therefore, no doubt on this score : the 
King will take care that the Queen is sent to your 
Majesty with every mark of honour. 

Brussels, March 7, 1575. 



LETTER XVI. 



I RETUBNED to Parfs March 21, where I found the 
Queen in excellent health, and delighted at the pro- 
spect of a speedy return to her august parents. 

I delivered your Majesty's letter to the King, and 
laid before him your Majesty's request that the Queen 
might have what was due to her under the marriage 
settlements. He, as usual, gave me a kind answer, and 
said he would take the opinion of his council. The 
Queen Mother has also kindly offered her services on 
our behalf. Still, we want deeds and not words ! 

^ Louis d'Este, Cardinal of Ferrara and Archbishop of Auch, was 
son of Hercules IL, Duke of Ferrara, and Ren^e, daughter of Louis XII. 
of France. He was bom in 1538, made Cardinal in 1561, and died at 
Rome in 1 586. He deserved, says de Thou, to be called the treasure of the 
poor, the glory of the Sacred College, and the ornament of the Court of 
Rome. 



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S6 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

It is quite clear that very little, if any, addition will 
be made to the 32,000 francs already secured on Crown 
lands. The property, even in the most prosperous 
days, never produced 60,000 francs. 

You ask whether your Majesty's granddaughter 
will be permitted to accompany her mother to Austria. 
I am not sanguine, as I know of no precedent of the kind 
in the history of France. The end of it will be that, when 
they have exhausted their other pleas as to the length 
of the journey, the delicacy of the child, and her tender 
years, they will fall back on the argument that it is con- 
trary to all the precedents of France, and I hardly see 
how we can meet it. If, however, your Majesty should 
decide on making a further attempt, I would recom- 
mend letters being sent to the King and Queen Mother, 
and I myself will leave no stone unturned to forward 
the arrangement ; but I should advise your Majesty 
simply to ask to see the child, and, if this is granted, 
the situation will be reversed, and her return to France 
will depend on your Majesty's pleasure.^ 

As to affairs in this country, they were so bad that 
I thought it impossible for them to grow worse ; never- 
theless they are rapidly growing worse. Damville, 
with his friends, is carr)qng war through Languedoc 

* Miss Freer, in her history of Henry III., has charged Busbecq's 
Queen with heartlessness. * Under these circumstances Elizabeth gladly 
accepted her father's invitation to return to Vienna. With all her virtue 
and simplicity Elizabeth appears not to have possessed much tenderness 
of character ; else, herself feeling so keenly the disadvantages of a resi- 
dence at Paris, she could not have abandoned her infant daughter to the 
care of Catherine de Medici ; nor even, as far as it can be discovered, made 
any attempt to convey her to be educated far from the levity of the 
Court.'— -Vol. ii. p. 39. Miss Freer evidently did not know of Busbecq's 
letters to Maximilian; she frequently quotes the letters to Rodolph, but 
does not appear to be aware that they were written by the man whom 
she describes as * Auger de Ghislin, Seigneur de Boesbecq, a German 
noble resident in France.' 



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DEMANDS OF THE INSURGENTS, 57 

and Guienne, and gentlemen are daily flocking to his 
standard. 

Words cannot describe how unpopular the King 
and Queen have become throughout France. So 
gloomy is the prospect, that careful, respectable men, I 
see, are thinking of leaving the country and emigrating 
to some distant land. Nevertheless, peace negotiations 
are still going on, for delegates from the rebel party are 
in Paris, and more are expected. They demand, I 
hear, first, liberty of conscience ; and, secondly, the 
convening of the States General with a view to reform- 
ing public abuses.^ This last demand is supposed. to 
be aimed at the Queen Mother and certain Italians of 
rank who occupy high offices. But, though everything 
is in a bad way, the financial situation is worst of all. 
It fairly passes belief. The King borrows what he 
can here and there from those who have, or are thought 
to have, money ; but even then he cannot get enough. 
It was determined to send a large sum of money 
with the ambassadors who are going to Poland — 
200,000 crowns, people say — but I do not believe 
such a sum can be raised; they will have to be con- 
tent with much less. 

The new Queen has been troubled with constant 
sickness for several days, and some fancy she is with 
child. She is no favourite with the Queen Mother, 
who takes little pains to conceal her prejudice. 

^ * Le 22* mars les ddputds de M. le prince de Cond^, mareschal 
Damville et autres associds, tant de Tune que de Fautre religion, selon la 
permission quMls avoient eue du Roy d'envoier vers lui tels personnages 
qu'ils aviseroient pour Tavancement et conclusion d'une paix g^n^rale et 
asseur^e k tout son roiaume, aians, par un commun advis, articul^ leurs 
conditions et icelles dress^es en forme de requeste, partirent de Basle le 
dit 22* mars pour venir trouver Sa Majesty k Paris, ou ils arriv^rent le 
mardi 5* avriL'— Z?^ VEstoile i. 54. For a full accoimt of these negotia- 
tions see Mdmoires de Neversy i. 308. 



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58 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

The Queen, your daughter, has made up her mind 
to visit Amboise^ after Easter, for the purpose of 
taking farewell of her child. She is afraid to let her 
travel, on account of her delicacy. She will be away 
for a month or thereabouts. 

I hope your Majesty will condescend to grant the 
request which I have already preferred, and order my 
half-year s salary to be paid to Don Rodolph Khuen,^ 
Master of Horse to your Majesty, in order that I may 
pay off my creditors, and have something in hand. 

Paris, April I, 1575. 



LETTER XVII. 



Finding that Count Nogarola was on the point of re- 
turning to Vienna, I felt I must send a letter to your 
Majesty, although the Queen's business is still on hand, 
and I am expecting every day to have it settled. I 
shall reserve my account of this matter, and send it by 
Peter the courier. Peter arrived here on the 15th of 
last month, and gave me a letter from your Majesty. 
On learning your Majesty's instructions, I demanded 
an audience of the King, but he was so much engaged 
in the negotiations for peace that he was unable to see 

^ The Queen had so much difficulty in procuring funds that she was 
obliged to postpone her visit to August Her child. Princess Marie 
Elizabeth (god-daughter of Queen Elizabeth of England), was at this 
time three years old. Amboise, near Blois, was considered particularly 
healthy, and on that account appointed as the nursery for the royal 
children. Evelyn speaks of it as a very agreeable village, built of stone 
and roofed with blue slate; he gives a full description of the castle 
which was the residence of the young Princess. Diary ^ p. 63. 

' Don Rodolph Khuen von Belasii, Baron of Neu-Lembach, descended 
from an ancient Tyrolese family. He was also Privy Councillor to the 
Emperor. 



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THE TWO QUEENS, 59 

me, and referred me to the Queen Mother and the 
young Queen. By the Kings orders, I went first to 
the Queen Mother. On my laying before her your 
Majesty's request, and delivering your letter, she, as 
usual, spoke ^f the great regard she entertained to- 
wards your Majesty, mentioning the deep obligation 
under which she had been laid by your Majesty's 
'attentions to her son the King. She inquired after 
your Majesty's health, asked where your Majesty was, 
and whether you would shortly pay a visit to Frank- 
fort. I made suitable answers, and then began to ask 
for her support in the Queen's business. 

■Whilst we were thus engaged, the young Queen 
(Louise de Vaudemont) entered the room, and I took 
the opportunity of offering her your Majesty's con- 
gratulations (on her marriage). She sent her most 
humble thanks to your Majesty, and made offer of her 
services to the Queen with many expressions of regard. 

After this the Queens gave me leave to go, and 
two days later I had an interview with the King. 
When I had laid before him your Majesty's message, 
he replied that he on his part would always be glad to 
be informed of your Majesty's views. He had married, 
he said, in order to promote the interests of his sub- 
jects and gratify their wishes. One of his inducements, 
he added, for allying himself with the House of Lorraine 
was its connection with your Majesty.^ For the rest, 
he placed his services heartily at your Majesty's dis- 
posal, and concluded by asking me to let him know 
when I intended sending back the courier, as he wished 
him to take his answer to your Majesty's letter. When 
I mentioned the Queen's business, he begged me to 
have patience a little longer, till the negotiations which 
were now going on should be concluded. He would 
* Sec note, p. 63. 



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6o LETTERS FROM FRANCE, 

then place the matter in the hands of his Council, and 
would himself do everything in his power for the 
Queen. 

The peace negotiations which the King alluded to 
have occupied his attention for some time past, and I 
hardly yet know what the result will be. 

Everyone is anxious for peace, specially the King, 
but the terms offered by the insurgents are very hard, ' 
as your Majesty will see from the paper I enclose. 

The extravagant nature of their demands will, in 
my opinion, make it difficult for the King to grant 
them. The delegates will shortly be sent back to their 
friends with the King's answer, and are to return with 
their reply on St John's Day (June 24). Meanwhile 
there seems to be a good prospect of peace ; everyone 
is anxious for it, and so everyone assumes that it is 
certain. 

Well, I am afraid it will be easier to ^nake peace 
than to keep it, and also I am apprehensive that peace 
for the French means trouble for their neighbours, for 
nothing would so calm the atmosphere in another 
quarter (the Netherlands) as a tremendous storm in 
France. 

Frenchmen cannot keep quiet, and mahy years of 
war have made them more restless than ever ; conse- 
quently it is a matter of the first importance to France 
that her adventurous spirits should find a field of action 
elsewhere instead of fastening on her own vitals. 

Peace has been concluded between the King and the 
Queen of England, on the same terms as before. 

The Ambassador who returned from England brings 
back a story of a joke the English Queen (Elizabeth) 
made at his first audience. 

She at once asked whether the King was married. 
He replied in the affirmative, and began telling her 



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A HUSBAND FOR THE QUEEN OF ENGLAND/ 6y 

who the new Queen was. Her Majesty broke in — 
* Yes, exactly ; that was the first clause in the Cardi- 
nal*s will. Dear me, what an unlucky woman I am ! 
What is to be my fate ? I had counted on marrying 
the Cardinal, and now I have only one hope left — per- 
haps the Pope will consent to take me as his wife ! * 

About the 17th of last month the King*s ambassa- 
dors, Bellegarde ^ and Pibrac, set out from Paris ; the 
former was to go by way of Venice, and your friend 
through Germany and Bohemia — at least he told 
me so. 

There are, I believe, financial reasons for Belle- 
garde's ddtouTy as they have promised to send 200,000 
crowns to Poland, and it would be easier to draw blood 
from a stone than to make up such a sum just now in 
France. They are said to be sending to the Pope at 
Rome, the Duke of Savoy at Turin, and also to the 
Venetians, to raise funds; they are supposed to be 
thinking of selling the marquisate of Saluzzo for 400,000 
crowns, or at any rate, pawning it ; but I suspect 
they will get more in the way of promises than in the 
way of cash, and will carry into Poland plenty of 
golden words, but very few golden coin^. I think also 

* Roger de Saint- Lary de Bellegarde attached himself to the Comte 
de Retz, was introduced by him to Catherine de Medici, and rose as 
rapidly as his patron. Henry III. on his return from Poland created 
him a Marshal, and gave him the command of his forces in Dauphiny. 
His position was, however, undermined by du Guast, and he was 
despatched to Poland. Regarding this mission as merely a pretext for 
his banishment, he went no further than Piedmont, entered the Duke of 
Savoy's service, and with his assistance took possession of the Marqui- 
sate of Saluzzo, the last of the French conquests beyond the Alps, driving 
out Birague, the Governor. Afterwards the Duke of Savoy, accompanied 
by the Marshal, had an interview, near Lyons, with the Queen Mother. 
The sequel may be told in Brant6me's words. * Elle luy fit tout plein de 
remonstrances. Luy, ores planant, ores connivant, et ores conillant et 
amusant la Royne de belles paroles, se trouva atteint de maladie par 
belle poison, de laquelle il mourut.' — Brantdme^ iv. 103. 



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62 LETTERS FROM FRANCE, 

that the Ambassadors are intentionally lingering on the 
road, in order that the Diet may be opened - before 
they come. They will thus be able to gain some idea 
of how matters are likely to go ; and, if they find that 
their case is hopeless, they will not have the disgrace 
of being defeated through their own shortcomings, or 
lack of funds. Again, if the prospect seems hopeful, 
and the Diet waits for them, they will be able to 
employ the interval in sending agents before them to 
prepare the way, and despatching letters full of fine 
promises, which, with such aid as the lapse of time will 
afford, may be expected so to soothe people's minds 
as to render the avoiding of the threatened Diet and 
election (of a new King for Poland) a matter of no 
great difficulty. I give this as my own explanation. 

As I was penning these lines, news came that 
Pibrac had been waylaid in the territory of Montb^- 
liard,^ which belongs to the Duke of Wurtemberg, by 
some French exiles. They killed two of his party, 
and took prisoner the Ambassador himself. The go- 
vernor of Montb^liard came to the rescue, the neigh- 
bourhood was roused, and Pibrac thus regained his 

* About a mile from Montbdliard Pibrac was captured by Brysach 
and a band of brigands, who assumed the character of Huguenot 
refugees. The Ambassador was compelled to leave his carriage, and fol- 
low his captors into the forest Meanwhile a hue and cry was raised, and 
the people turned out to hunt the banditti. Pibrac was now in great 
danger, as the brigands threatened to kill him if one of their party should 
be hurt From noon to midnight he was compelled to accompany Bry- 
sach and his band through the recesses of the forest. Fortimately he 
was able to turn his talents as a diplomatist to good account, and at 
last persuaded his companions to set him free. See Thuanus, iil 98. 
Compare the account of Busbecq's capture, vol. i. p. 71. 

The country of Montb^liard, or Miimpelgard, lay between Franche 
Comtd and Alsace, and belonged to a branch of the House of Wiirtem- 
berg. It remained in their hands till near the end of the last 
century. In 1792 the French took possession of it, but it did not be- 
come French de jure till 1801, when, with the vOther German enclaves in 
Alsace, it was ceded by the treaty of LuneviUe. - 



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PICTURE OF THE PRINCESS. 63 

liberty ; but he was in great danger, and lost his plate 
and his money — some 7,cxx) or 8,000 crowns in all. The 
King was greatly disturbed at the news, but when he 
heard that Pibrac had escaped to Montbdiard, he gave 
him supplies of money and a fresh equipment, telling 
him to go to Soleure, in Switzerland, and there obtain 
what was needful. This shows that the King has by 
no means given up his hopes of Poland. 

If I mistake not, I have before this mentioned to 
your Majesty that agents had been sent to Sweden to 
procure a picture of the King of Sweden's daughter.^ 
The picture has now come. Strange to say, it greatly 
resembles the new Queen in height, complexion, and 
features; the resemblance is increased by her having 
been taken in a French dress. 

I must not forget to add that a number of ambas- 
sadors have come from Switzerland to take part in the 
negotiations for peace as mediators. 

It is supposed that Vaudemont, the King's father- 
in-law, will also offer his services as peacemaker. He 
is expected here in the course of a few days with the 
Duke of Lorraine. The reason of his coming, how- 
ever, is not connected with the negotiations for 

* So in March 1538 Holbein was despatched to Brussels to take a por- 
trait of Christina, the widowed Duchess of Milan, and daughter of Elizabeth 
of Denmark, sister of Charles V. (see vol. i. page 26, note 2), for whose 
hand Henry VIII. had been n^otiating. She is reported to have declined 
his offer, saying, ' if she had had two heads one should have been at the 
service of the King of England, but as she had only one, she preferred to 
keep it on her own shoulders/ Holbein's portrait now belongs to the 
Duke of Norfolk, and was exhibited at the Winter Exhibition of the 
Royal Academy in 1880. The lady afterwards married Francis Duke of 
Lorraine, and became the mother of Charles Duke of Lorraine and 
Dorothea, the wife of Duke Eric of Brunswick. Hence came the con- 
nection between the Houses of Austria and Lorraine, alluded to on page 
59, Maximilian II. being Christina's first cousin. . 

Similarly Holbein, in the following year, was again sent abroad to 
take a portrait of Anne of Cleves. — Froude, ch. xvii. 



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64 LET7ERS FROM FRAJNCE. 

peace, but with a wedding, the Marquis of Nomeny, 
Vaudemont's son, being about to marry the wealthy 
daughter of Sebastian de Luxembourg, the Vicomte de 
Martigues.^ 

May it please your Majesty, Using ^ has just sent 
word that of the 8,000 crowns required for the Queen's 
service he has not been able to raise one farthing at 
Augsburg by pledging his own credit or that of the 
Bailers, and that he has therefore written to your 
Majesty to inquire whether there is any merchant 
about the Court who would, on their security, place 
that amount to the Queen's credit at Lyons. I am 
expecting an answer from your Majesty on this matter. 

The Queen is naturally and justifiably anxious to 
see her daughter before leaving France. She has been 
ready to go to her since Easter, but has been stopped 
by want of funds, and will be kept waiting still longer 
unless they are provided, so that I am beginning to 
fear that she will have to leave without seeing her 
child, to her great sorrow. But this is not the only 
point to be considered, for the Queen may have many 
other calls upon her purse, so that it is of the greatest 
importance that she should be supplied with money, if 
she is to maintain her position, live in comfort, and 

* * Le dimanche 19* juing arriv^rent k Paris M. le due de Lorraine 
et M. de Vaudemont, p^re de la Roine, pour achever le manage du Mar- 
quis de Nomenie, fils aisn^ dudit seingneur de Vaudemont aveq la damoi- 
selle de Martigues. En congratulation et resjouissance des venues de 
ces princes, se firent k la Cour plusieurs jeux, toumois et festins magni- 
fiques, en Fun desquels la Roine-M^re mangea tant qu'elle cuida 
crever, et fust malade au double de son desvoiement. On disoit que 
c'estoit d'avoir trop mang^ de culs d*artichaux et de crestes et rongnons 
de coq, dont elle estoit fort friande.*-— Z>^ VEstoiley i. 64. 

* The Ilsings or Ilsungs were an ancient Swabian family, several of 
whom had been burgomasters of Augsburg. The person mentioned in 
the text was probably George Using von Lichtenberg, Privy Councillor 
to Charles V., Ferdinand, Maximilian, and Rodolph, and Statthalter in 
the Duchy of WUrtemberg. 



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STARVING IN A PALACE. 65 

take advantage of such openings as may occur. I hope 
it will not be long before I have more certain tidings 
to give your Majesty with regard to the dower, and I 
will then Ayrite at length by Peter the courier. 

Paris, May 15, 1575. 

I heard to-day that some one said he would lend the 
Queen 10,000 crowns, to be recouped out of her reve- 
nues. If this be so, and the money can be obtained at 
a reasonable interest, I think the Queen will accept 
his offer, since our business may any day take such a 
turn as to render the possession of money indispen- 
sable, if we are not to be exposed to delay and loss. 
For instance, it is essential to have a valuation made 
of the revenues of the places offered to the Queen, in 
order to make sure that they are not passed off for 
more than they are worth. Now, this valuation will 
cost not less than 300 or 400 crowns, and so without 
this sum we cannot conclude the negotiations. Again, 
I have had notice that the King refuses to provide for 
the Queens expenses after the Feast of St. John 
(June 24), and wishes her to live at her own charges 
from her own revenues, and I am afraid of their pressing 
the matter in such a manner as to render refusal im- 
possible. For we must admit that the King, when 
surrounded with difficulties himself, has done his ut- 
most for the Queen. It is now more than ten months 
since the salaries of the Queen's household have been 
paid, and her people have received only paper cheques, 
or drafts. How many of these are ever likely to be 
paid, God only knows ! The Queen s servants are so 
utterly destitute of money that they have often had 
to undergo a hardship quite without precedent. On 
some days there were not funds in the palace to pro- 
vide the table of the nobles and courtiers, and those 

VOL, IT. F 



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66 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

who did not care to fast had to procure their own 
dinner. 

Those who understand the arrangements of the 
Queen's household declare that it would be to the 
advantage of the Queen and her household for her to 
live at her own charges, instead of being hampered 
with the present arrangement. Bellegarde, the other 
royal ambassador, who was to go through Italy, is said 
to have fallen sick. 



LETTER XVIII. 



[A BUSINESS letter with reference to the dower, and 
therefore omitted. It is dated June 1575.] 



LETTER XIX. 



[Another business letter. It is dated June 1575. To 
it is attached the following postscript] 

News has lately come to Paris that Mademoiselle 
de Bourbon,^ daughter of the Duke of Montpensier, 
who ran away from the nunnery of which she was 
abbess, and took refuge in Germany, has married the 
Prince of Orange ; the report finds credit everywhere. 

* The Princess Charlotte de Bourbon was compelled to take the vows 
before she had arrived at the legal age. She became Abbess of Jouarrs ; 
but ran away in 1572, and took refuge with the Elector Palatine. The 
Prince of Orange saw her at Heidelburg and fell in love with her. St. 
Aldegonde conducted her to Brill, where the Prince met her. They were 
married June 12. 



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LONGING FOR HOME. 67 



LETTER XX. 

I SENT quite lately, by Peter the courier, such state- 
ments as seemed necessary, and I think my despatches 
must have already reached your Majesty. 

I now write by order of the Queen. 

To-day she summoned me into her presence and 
told me she was quite certain from the present aspect 
of affairs, and specially from the greater severity with 
which Montmorency was guarded, and the circumstance 
that the King was levying troops, that there was every 
prospect of war, and of all the confusion that must 
necessarily follow in its train. 

She instructed me to write to your Majesty, and 
urge this additional reason for expediting her journey 
home. She says she has borne her position patiently as 
long as she could, but she foresees that it will soon be- 
come intolerable. I told the Queen that I would humbly 
obey her orders, although I felt sure that your Majesty, 
after reading my last despatches, would do all that was 
possible towards forwarding her return, and that on this 
account my letter would be unnecessary. 

Having informed your Majesty of my conversation 
with the Queen, I consider I have executed her com- 
mands, and do not think any petition or prayer neces- 
sary on my part, in order to induce your Majesty to 
accede to the natural desire of your most loving 
daughter. 

If we can trust the news we hear, war is already at 
our gates, and a war which holds out no prospect of 
relief, but, on the contrary, will aggravate the misfor- 
tunes and miseries of France ; this is isaying a great 
deal, for the country is already in so bad a state that 
to make it worse seemed a downright impossibility. 

F 2 



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68 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

But if the report be true that Cond6 and the other 
exiles will bring strong forces to the support of their 
friends, there are no bounds to the mischief that will 
ensue ; in that case the existence of the present rdgime 
will hang on a thread, and be in the utmost danger ; 
for then the contest will be, not as to whose opinion 
shall have weight in council, or who shall stand first in 
honour and rank, or who shall administer the affairs of 
the kingdom, but simply who shall wear the crown. 

If the King should gain the day, it is easy to see 
that he will stand upon his rights, and punish the rebels 
as traitors ; while, if the other party should prove 
victorious, they will bring the King to trial for his 
tyrannical conduct. He must expect no mercy or for- 
giveness ; he has often tried issues with them, and still 
oftener broken his word, until at last none will believe 
it. It is to be feared also that the flames of civil war 
are likely to spread over a wider area than existing 
appearances would seem to indicate ; for there are 
many who smother their grievances at present, though 
they are disgusted with the treatment they have them- 
selves received and the miserable condition of the 
country, and these, it is to be apprehended, will flock 
to Condi's standard. The voice of the country is un- 
doubtedly on his side, as all are dissatisfied with iihe 
manner in which the government is at present con- 
ducted. 

The case of Montmorency, to which I have alluded, 
stands thus. His prospects (of regaining his liberty) 
appeared to be good, and he was being treated with 
much more indulgence than before, when tidings came 
of his brother, Damville ^ ; then all of a sudden there 

' * Mareschal d'Amville vint k estre empoisonn^ de telle fa^on, que, 
s'il ne fut estd secouru prestement et par bons remedes, il estoit mort ; et 
de faict les nouvelles en vindrent au Roy qu'il estoit mort de ceste poison. 



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STATE^CRAFT BY POISON, 69 

— : : as 

was a complete change, and the prison rules were made 
much stricter : by the King's orders all his servants 
were removed, and, though seriously ill, he was not 
allowed to keep so much as his physician or his cook, 
new servants being appointed by the King. This 
alteration in his treatment has caused the greatest 
alarm to his mother and other relatives, for they think 
that this is a first step towards taking him off by poison. 

The King is so sure of Damville's being dead that 
he has already given away every one of his offices and 
commands. He is supposed to have died of the plague 
fever on the last day of last month. 

His friends refuse to regard him as dead and con- 
sole themselves with a vague hope that he is still alive. 

I trust that no delay or difficulty will arise with 
regard to the Queen's journey ; still, if it had not been 
finally settled otherwise, I am not sure that the route 
by the Netherlands would not be the most convenient. 

J'estois lors en sa chambre quand ces nouvelles luy furent apport^es. . . . 
il ne s^en esmeut autrement, et ne monstra le visage plus joyeux ny fasch^, 
sinon qu'il envoya le courrier k la Reyne ; et ne laissasmes k causer avec 
luy. Ce gouvemement de Languedoc fut aussi tost donn^ k M. de Nevers. 
. . . Vindrent apres nouvelles que ledit sieur mareschal n'estoit point 
mort et tendoit peu k peu k guerison, laquelle tarda beaucoup k luy 
venir. Plusieurs disoient que s'il fust mort de ceste poison, que M. de 
Montmorancy fust est^ sententi^ . . . mais on craignoit que ledict ma- 
reschal, voyant son frere mort, qu'il eust jou^ k la desesperade, craignant 
qu'il ne luy en arrivast autant s'il estoit pris, et avoit un tres grand moyen 
de faire mal avec Palliance des Huguenots, voire du roy d'Espagne, qu'il 
eust pris.* — Brantdme, ii. 436-7. 

Montmorency's relations had good reasons for their apprehensions. 
It was intended to strangle him, and, to cover the murder, Miron, chief 
physician to the King, was sent to see him, and told to give out that he 
had apoplectic symptoms. Gilles de Souvrd, chief chamberlain to Henry, 
was selected as his executioner, and to his reluctance to undertake the 
office the prisoner owed his life. See Thuanusy iii. 105. 

Montmorency was conscious of his danger. * Tell the Queen,' said 
he, * that I am well aware of her intentions towards me ; there is no 
need to make so much fuss. She has only to send the Chancellor's 
apothecary: I will take whatever he gives me.' See De PEstoiley i. 63, 



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70 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

In any case, that road will always be open to her, 
should the others be blocked. But your Majesty will 
decide what is best. 

The Portuguese ambassador has arrived and called 
yesterday on the Queen. The King was indisposed, 
but is now better. 

Paris, June 13, 1575.* 



LETTER XXI. 

The Duke of Lorraine and Vaudemont are, they say, 
expected here in the course of two or three days. 

The tedious and difficult negotiations about peace 
have kept Paris in suspense for a long time. The fol- 
lowing appears to be the result : the deputies from the 
insurgents have not been able to carry all their points, 
and the King, on his part, has not succeeded in in- 
ducing them to accept his terms. They have therefore 
agreed upon a compromise, the clauses of which are to 
be referred to Cond6, Damville, and the confederate 
' towns : should they accept them, peace will be declared ; 
in the other case, war will be resumed. But it will be 
much easier to declare war than to carry it on, as 
France is terribly reduced, and the King himself is in 
the greatest straits for want of money. 

The religious question, which in the Netherlands 
is the only obstacle to peace, has not been considered 
here as a matter of paramount importance, and the 
King has made no difficulty about granting liberty of 
conscience ; there were other points which were more 
difficult for him to digest — to wit, that the rebels should 
have possession of two cities in each province, in ad- 
dition to those which they now hold, as places of refuge 

^ The date shows that this letter ought to follow Letter XXI., but we 
have retained the order of the Latin Edition. 



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FRANCE HUNGERING AFTER PEACE, 71 

in time of trouble. They demand also that members 
of their party should be admitted into the Parliaments, 
and that the King should pay the wages of the German 
reiters who have taken service with them ; and, again, 
that the States-General be convened. If this last 
should be granted, the Queen Mother will be in great 
danger of losing her authority. There are some other 
points, which your Majesty will learn from the enclosed 
paper. 

Never did France so hunger after peace ; never was 
the country so unanimous in desiring it. On other 
occasions it has been sometimes the Order of the 
Clergy and sometimes the Order of the People, which 
has been averse to a pacification ; now all exclaim with 
one voice that war means ruin. But the peace, I sus- 
pect, will not last long,^ since it has been obtained by 
compulsion, and granted by necessity. 

Moreover, I have observed that the authority of 
the Crown has marvellously declined ; men have 
shaken off their respect for the King's name, and are 
like horses who have got rid of their traces and fairly 
bolted. The revolutionary spirit is rampant ; some 
people are extremely unpopular ; feuds among the chiefs 
run high — these feuds are of old standing and cemented 
with the blood of slaughtered kinsmen ; to settle and 
arrange such differences would require much trouble, 
ample time, and infinite tact. I see that some people 
in a high position think that it would be to the advan- 

* The following quotation from Marguerite de Valois' autobiography 
shows that Busbecq was right: — ' Nous nous en retoumasmes k Paris trou- 
ver le Roy, qui nous receust avec beaucoup de contentement d'avoir la 
paix; mais toutesfoisaggreant peu les advantageuses conditions des 
huguenots, se deliberant bien, soudain qu'il auroit mon frere k la cour, 
de trouver une invention pour rentrer en la guerre contre lesdits huguenots, 
pour ne les laisser jouir de ce qu'k regret et par force on leur avoit 
accord^ seulement pour en retirer mon frere (Alengon)/ — Mimoires de^ 
MargueriUy p. 79. 



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72 LETTERS FROM FRANCE, 

tage of France if certain illustrious gentlemen were to 
quit the country, and all the nobles who wish for war 
were to find a field abroad, thereby relieving their 
country of anxiety and trouble. From all this we may 
safely conclude that quiet in France (if quiet be pos- 
sible ! ) means a great disturbance in the atmosphere 
elsewhere. On this ground some — not without reason, 
perhaps — remember with regret, how useful Milan ^ was 
as a training-school for the education of young French 
soldiers, and also as a means of letting out, without 
injury to the rest of the body, that bad blood of which 
France has such store. 

The nation desires Cond6 to be appointed to lead 
a force into the Netherlands to the assistance of Orange, 
for it is thought that it will be no small gain to France 
if he is sent beyond the borders. Cond6 is himsell 
possessed of considerable resources, and will be well 
supported by his party, who wish to see him famous 
and great ; they will the more readily fall in with this 
plan because it will remove him from the scene of dan- 
ger and place him where he will be safe under the 
shadow of that great Prince (Orange). 

Meanwhile the Royalists will rejoice at this oppor- 
tunity of delivering France from a troublesome and 
restless crew, and congratulate themselves that the 
quarrel is to be fought out in the Netherlands instead 
of France. 

I must explain that nothing is so hateful to your 
French gentleman as quiet and repose. He would 
rather be rolling the stone of Sisyphus than keep still ; 

^ * J'ay ouy dire k<ie grands capitaines que si le Piedmont au moins 
nous fust demeur^ . . . il eust servy d'escolle tousjours et d'amusement 
aux gens de guerre frangois, et s'y fussent tous arrestez, et ainsy ne sefussent 
adonnez ny affriandez aux guerres civiles ; estant le naturel du Frangois 
de vacquer tousjours aux oeuvres de Mars et dliayr Toysivet^, le repos et 
la paix.' — Brantdmey v. 234. 



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A FRENCH GENTLEMAN. 73 

he IS for ever hunting after an enterprise ; he would 
fain do something great ; if that something be honour- 
able, all the better, but if there be difficulty on that 
score, he is not particular ; so long as it affords a field 
for the display of courage and skill, and is thought 
dashing, the question whether it is right or wrong is 
absolutely immaterial. These are the ideas which 
nature has planted in him, and example confirmed, 
while long years of lawlessness and licence have made 
their practice a habit. 

Hugo de Blot, the Netherlander, is anxious to 
enter your Majesty's service ; as no better post is to 
be had, he has applied for the comparatively humble 
position of librarian. He has asked me to recommend 
him. 

I am fully aware how little weight my word can be 
expected to carry, feeling as I do that I have need to 
be recommended myself instead of recommending 
others ; still I trust your Majesty will not be offended 
at my mentioning the subject. I know De Blot to be 
both a good scholar and an honest man ; there are, 
however, two people who will be able to give most 
positive testimony as to his character — Bishop Listhius ^ 
and Lazarus Schwendi,^ for they both selected him to 

' John Listhius, a Hungarian noble, married the sister of Nicolas 
Olahus, Archbishop of Gran and Primate of Hungary, by whom he had 
two sons ; after her death he took orders, and became Bishop of Wess- 
prim in 1568, and Bishop of Raab in 1572. He died in 1578. He was 
Privy Coimcillor to Ferdinand and Maximilian. 

2 Lazarus von Schwendi, Seigneur of Hohen-Landsperg in Upper 
Alsace, was a very remarkable man. He was a friend of Count Egmont, 
by whose side he fought at the battles of St. Quentin and Gravelines. 
At Maximilian's request Philip IL allowed him to take command of his 
forces in Hungary. He retook Tokay from the Turks in 1565. (Katona, 
Historia Regum Hungaria^ xxiv. 45 ; see also Sketch of Hungarian 
History,) He was also distinguished as a scholar; he wrote a book, De 
. Bello contra Turcot gerendOy and two other treatises. But what marks 
his position more than anything else is the fact that two of the most im- 



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74 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

take care of their boys — he was their tutor for several 
years in Italy — and if they judged him fit to take care 
of their boys (liberos) I conclude he is quite fit to take 
care of your Majesty's books (libros). 

I do not wish to press the matter further. I have 
now given my testimony on behalf of an excellent 
gentleman, and at the same time I feel I have done 
my duty to your Majesty in introducing to your notice 
a man who will fill the post admirably. Your Ma- 
jesty will now come to a decision as to the appoint- 
ment, and of the wisdom of that decision, whatever it 
may be, I entertain not the slightest doubt^ 

The Spanish Ambassador told me that the Duke of 
Medina de Rio Sicco is coming hither from his Sove- 
reign to congratulate the King of France on his 
marriage. An ambassador is also coming from Por- 
tugal on the same errand : I believe he has been six 
months on the road, although he arrived a few days 
ago at Nantes, a town in Brittany. 

The King is suffering from influenza, but is not 
supposed to be in any danger. There was a report 
quite lately that the Duke of Savoy had taken Savona, 
but it is not believed to be true. As to Jorneton, of 
whom your Majesty writes in the letter dated May 2, 
your Majesty's orders shall be obeyed. 

Madame de Montmorency, formerly wife of the Con- 

portant manifestos of that age were addressed to him. (i) Orange's 
protest against the administration of Granville. See Motley, Rise of the 
Dutch Republic, Part II. chap. iv. : — 'This letter, together with one in a 
similar strain from Egmont, was transmitted by the valiant and highly 
intellectual soldier to whom they were addressed, to the King of Spain 
with an entreaty that he would take warning from the bitter truths which 
they contained.' (2) Maximilian's protest against the Massacre of Saint 
Bartholomew (see note i, page 42). Schwendi eventually retired to his 
estates in Alsace, and died at Kirchofen in 1583, aged sixty- two. 

^ De Blot obtained the appointment (see Foppens, Bibliotheca Bel-^ 
gica, i. 491). 



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MADAME DE MONTMORENCY, r$ 

stable of France, who was then in such high estate, is 
now in great misery and affliction on account of her 
sons ; she has earnestly besought the Queen to procure 
letters from your Majesty to the King of France, ask- 
ing him to release her son, the Mar^chal de Mont- 
morency, from his long imprisonment. The Queen 
has given me instructions to write to your Majesty 
about this business. I should have had some hesitation 
in complying with her wishes, if any ground still existed 
for the dreadful suspicions which were at first enter- 
tained with regard to his case ; but facts have now 
transpired which tend to show that these suspicions 
rested on litde or no foundation, and people are begin- 
ning to take a juster view ; indeed, the Queen Mother 
could not be kept from visiting Montmorency, and 
chatted with him for some time. Under these circum- 
stances, I feel that I cannot do wrong in obeying the 
Queen's orders, and that your Majesty might write to 
the King on the subject of Montmorency's release in 
perfect confidence that such a suggestion will not be 
taken amiss in any quarter. Undoubtedly this great 
and honoured lady (Madame de Montmorency) has 
shown the utmost kindness and attention to the Queen 
during the whole of her residence in France ; she has 
never failed to support her in every way, and on her 
assistance, advice, and loyalty the Queen has been 
always able to reckon ; such services may well claim your 
Majesty's kind consideration, and this is a good oppor- 
tunity of manifesting your gratitude. 

By adopting the course which I venture to suggest, 
your Majesty will not only gratify the Queen, but will 
also lay the whole House of Montmorency — which now, 
indeed, is brought low, but must one day rise again — 
under an obligation so great that it can never be 
forgotten. 

Paris, June 7, i575« 



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76 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 



LETTER XXII. 

Not long ago I called upon the King of PortugaFs 
Ambassador, and a few days later he returned my call. 
I had a conversation with him which is perhaps of no 
great importance, but it is as well that your Majesty 
should hear of it. 

He spoke of the Queen in the highest terms, and 
then let fall some words of regret at the bereavement 
she had undergone. Her husband, he remarked, had 
died in the flower of life, and she was very young to 
be a widow. On my replying that it was God's will, 
and we must accept His decrees without murmuring, 
the Ambassador interrupted me with a remark that 
the Queen would have great difficulty in finding a 
second husband of such rank as would justify her in 
marrjang him, seeing that her first husband had been 
a very great and powerful King. 

Hereon I remarked that it was by no means an 
unusual things for the queens of great kings, on the 
death of their husbands, to marry potentates of inferior 
rank, and sometimes to take even dukes as their hus- 
bands. I was able to quote, as an instance, Mary, the 
sister of Henry VIII., King of England, who on the 
death of her first husband, Louis XII., King of France, 
was, at her brother's desire, married in England to the 
Duke of Suffolk. * Still,' said the Ambassador, * if I 
am any judge of looks, she is too proud to marry any- 
one lower in rank than her first husband.' Thereon I 
replied, that I had good reason to know that any idea 
of a second marriage was most distasteful to the Queen, 
who cherished in her heart the memory of the husband 
she had lost, but never could forget. Still, I observed, 
she was a lady of great judgment and discretion, one 



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WOULD SHE CONDESCEND? 77 

who would, I was sure, always be willing to take her 
parents advice and submit to their wishes. The Am- 
bassador expressed his appreciation of such discretion, 
and we proceeded to discuss other topics, coming back 
at last to the old subject, and talking of the connection 
between the Houses of Austria and Portugal, which 
dates from the time of the Emperor Frederic.^ He 
concluded his remarks by saying that he hoped to see 
the old alliance renewed by another marriage between 
the two Houses. 



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78 LETTERS FROM FRANCE, 

express an opinion one way or the other; indeed, so 
many changes take place, and so many rumours are 
about, that I should not like to pledge myself for any- 
thing I had not seen with my own eyes. Meanwhile 
war is going on, but it does not seem to promise any 
decisive result calculated to affect the issue of the 
struggle. Insignificant towns and places are daily lost 
or recaptured, and the most important news we have 
had this long while is of a severe defeat the Swiss 
received the other day in Dauphiny,^ some companies 
being completely annihilated. 

The Queen is quite well, but cannot help fretting 
at the delay. She longs to return home ; she is also 
yearning to see her daughter ; her wish, however, can- 
not be gratified, as she has not funds for the journey ; 
indeed, she is so poor that meals are no longer served 
at any table save that at which the Queen herself sits. 
Rations of bread and wine are issued to the rest of her 
people, and with this they have to content themselves 
as best they may. 

Paris, July 7, 1575. 

If the King of Portugal wishes for the marriage, 
and your Majesty is disposed to consent, advantage 
might be taken of the opportunity now afforded of 
sending the Queen straight from Paris to Portugal 
without much expense. 

I see our friends in France have not yet given up 
all hope with regard to their claims on Poland, for 
they are said to be sending thither 200,000 crowns, 

* Montbnin cut to pieces the Swiss troops of de Gordes, who com- 
manded for the King in Dauphiny. After a less decisive engagement the 
day before, he overtook them on June 13 at the passage of the Drome 
near Die. Eight hundred Swiss were killed together with their Colonel, 
and eighteen standards were taken, while the victors oply lost six men. 
See Thuanus, iii. 93. 



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SICK WITH GRIEF. 



79 



which they have borrowed from the Duke of Savoy. 
He has received the marquisate of Saluzzo as security 
for his advances. Pibrac, too, it is supposed, will be 
able to do some good by visiting the Palatines ^ one by 
one, and making an appeal to them in the King's 
name. 



LETTER XXIII. 



It is not long since I gave your Majesty an account 
of my conversation with the Portuguese Ambassador, 
to be taken for whatever it might be worth. I have 
nothing of much importance to add, except that, a few 
days after the letter was despatched, the Queen was 
threatened with an illness. Fever was apprehended, 
and there were some premonitory symptoms, but they 
passed off without developing into anything serious. 
Her physicians attributed the illness to grief and trouble 
of mind. She is much distressed at the long postpone- 
ment of her visit to Amboise, on which she had set 
her heart, and also, I imagine, at her detention in 
France, from which she has long been panting to fly. 
I hope to find on the arrival of the next courier, that 
your Majesty has made such arrangements as will 
relieve the Queen's anxiety. 

As for other news, the condition of things here is 
unchanged, except that Montbrun is said to have been 
taken prisoner. After cutting to pieces some com- 
panies of Swiss, as I mentioned in a former letter, he 
shortly afterwards found himself in the presence of a 
concentration of Royal troops. Charging them with 
more courage than discretion, he advanced too far, 
could not cut his way back, and, after receiving several 

• These Palatines were great Polish magnates. 



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8o LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 



wounds, was taken prisoner. This event caused great 
joy here, as of all the men in arms against the King 
none was considered more determined than Montbrun. 
When all the rest of the party were stunned by the 
slaughter of the King's enemies on Saint Bartholomew's 
day, he came forward as the most valiant champion of 
the cause ; his was the first sword that was unsheathed, 
and his the example that roused others to action. 
Some think he will be brought to Paris. If so, his 
doom, I fear, is sealed ; he is too brave to be forgiven ; 
well for him if his wounds prove mortal, so that he 
may die a soldier s death. But he is not altogether 
unavenged, for the Royalists were severely handled in 
the skirmish in which he was taken prisoner.^ 

On Tuesday the marriage of the Marquis de 
Nomeny was celebrated, in the presence of Vaude- 
mont, his father, and the Duke of Lorraine, his kinsman. 

* Charles du Puy Montbrun, a member of one of the oldest families in 
Dauphiny, was born about 1530. One of his sisters became a Protes- 
tant, and took refuge in Geneva. He pursued her thither, declaring that 
he would either bring her back a Catholic or kill her ; but instead of re- 
claiming her, he fell under the influence of Beza and became himself a 
convert. In 1 560 he raised a small partisan force, with which he carried 
on a guerilla war in Dauphiny and the Vivarais. His young wife accom- 
panied him on these expeditions, as the camp was her safest abode. He 
took an active part in the civil wars, and fought bravely at Jamac and 
Moncontour. 

The affair mentioned in the text was a mere skirmish. Mont- 
brun was engaged in hot piu*suit of the King's troops, whom he had de- 
feated a few days before (see page 78), when a daring attempt was made 
by a party of the royal cavalry to seize the bridge of Gervane, and cut 
off his retreat. Though he had only a small force in hand, he charged 
the enemy, but finding himself outnumbered was compelled to retreat. 
His horse fell in trying to leap a ditch, and he was taken prisoner. Bus- 
becq's account shows that the affair was represented in Paris as a deci- 
sive victory. Compare Thuanus, iii. 94, who also states that Mont- 
brun was the first to raise the Huguenot standard after Saint Bartho- 
lomew. D'Aubign^ {Histoire,\o\, ii. bk. ii. ch. ix.) says he will give him no 
eulogy except the title La Noue conferred upon him — to wit, the Valiant 
Montbrun. 



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A MARRIAGE FEAST. 8i 

There were amusements of various kinds, and a mag- 
nificent entertainment None of the Princes were at 
the banquet, not even Alen9on, the Kings brother, 
who came only to the ball, and his sister did not go 
even to that.^ I must not forget to mention that, when 
the Guises wished to have the honour of serving the 



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82 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

there himself, there is a certainty of success ; and if he 
will send 200,000 crowns, there is a chance of it The 
last plan will probably be tried. 

The Portuguese Ambassador has taken a house, 
and is expected to remain here for some time. One of 
his suite has been sent to the King of Portugal, and is 
likely to return shortly with an answer. Some people 
fancy that his mission concerns your Majesty's daughter. 

It is now nearly six weeks since the courier left, and 
our friends here keep asking when he will return, as 
they want to finish the business and relieve themselves 
of the burden of maintaining the Queen. There is a 
notion that it will be to her advantage if her affairs are 
placed under the protection of a Prince or some pro- 
minent man ; the Due de Nevers ^ is mentioned for the 
office, which he would readily, I fancy, volunteer to 
take. But a serious drawback to such an arrangement 
is that it would probably excite the Queen Mother s 
jealousy ; she would not like the notion of the Queen 
being placed under the guardianship of anyone but 
herself. I think, therefore, that any application to the 
Duke should be made privately ; a secret understand- 
ing would be best, but as to its remaining secret, I am 
doubtful. The Comte de Retz, one of the Marshals 
of France, has been most kind in labouring to promote 

* Louis Gonzaga, Due de Nevers, third son of Frederick II., Duke of 
Mantua, was born in 1539, and was brought up in France with Henry 
II.'s children. He had a horse killed under him at St. Quentin,was taken 
prisoner, and was ransomed for 60,000 crowns. In 1 565 he married 
Henriette de Cloves, the sister of the two last Dues de Nevers, and of 
Catherine de Cloves, wife of the Duke of Guise, and was created Due de 
Nevers. In 1567 he became Governor of the French possessions in 
Piedmont, and protested strongly against their cession by Henry III. 
(Mdmoires^ i. i). He was deeply implicated in the Massacre of Saint 
Bartholomew. A partisan of the Guises at the beginning of the 
League, he afterwards went over to Henry III. At the death of the 
latter, he at first assumed an attitude of neutrality between the League 
and Henry IV., but soon espoused the royal cause. He died in 1595. 



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A WORN-OUT VETERAN, 83 

the Queen's interests; he has called on me at my 
lodgings about her business. 

As regards myself, your Majesty will be graciously 
pleased to come to some decision. For my own part, 
I think the best course your Majesty can adopt will be 
to consider me a useless old soldier who has earned 



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84 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

that was not fair. I should now be glad to have a 
fresh copy of those credentials, as they may prove 
necessary. 

I wrote from Lyons asking your Majesty to send 
some watches as presents for friends who have ere 
now done us good service, and whose assistance we may 
need again. I feel I should be wanting in my duty to 
your Majesty, if I did not renew my request. One 
might as well try to make bricks without straw as to 
conduct affairs of this kind without presents. 

We had some hopes of obtaining 10,000 crowns in 
Paris, but were disappointed ; there is nothing coming 
in from our friends here, so we are often at a loss for 
want of funds. I therefore implore your Majesty to 
give this matter your serious consideration, for we have 
no hope of bringing back any sum worth mentioning — 
indeed, I doubt if we shall have enough for the 
journey. 

I spoke to the King and the Queen Mother, and 
they assured me that they would see the Queen was 
escorted to the German frontier in the most honourable 
manner. Your Majesty, in return, will be graciously 
pleased to inform us at the earliest moment to what 
place you wish the Queen to be escorted by her French 
suite, where I trust such preparations will be made as 
will show the French escort that your Majesty is not 
indifferent to that which concerns the Queen's honour. 
It will be well, too, that the noble ladies and maidens 
attending her from motives of duty or affection should 
feel that they have been well treated, for they are 
sure on their return to talk about their reception. The 
Queen has been long intending to go to Amboise ; she 
is naturally anxious to see her daughter before leaving 
France, but her wish is still unaccomplished, owing to 
her want of funds. When this difficulty is removed 



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THE TWO PROPOSALS, 85 

she will start on her journey. I think she will be 
away twenty-four or twenty-five days. 

On the 23rd of last month a courier arrived with 
despatches from your Majesty, from which I learnt 
your Majesty's views as to the course to be pursued 
with regard to the two proposals made by the King. 



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86 LETTERS FROM FRANCE, 

abandoned. I said, further, that it was by your Ma- 
jesty's advice that the Queen had chosen the proposal 
which offered the larger settlement on Crown lands, as 
being the nearest to the tenor of the marriage contract. 
Both replied in the most gracious terms. Among 
other remarks the King made in speaking of his good- 
will to your Majesty, he declared that he knew your 
Majesty's fatherly affection for him from your having, 
when he was at Vienna, given him such excellent ad- 
vice, telling him to prefer mercy to severity, and to 
choose peace rather than war. With these views, he 
said, he quite coincided, but remarked that Kings were 
not always allowed to have their own way. As to the 
Queen's departure, he said, be owed so much to your 
Majesty, and France so much to the Queen, that it was 
alike his duty and his pleasure to do everything he 
could for her. If needful, he would provide for her 
escort, not merely as far as Nancy, but whithersoever 
your Majesty might wish. As, however, your Majesty 
had chosen Nancy, he would take care that she should 
be escorted thither in the most honourable manner at 
the date appointed. 

As for Montmorency, the King replied that he had 
offered to stand his trial and prove his innocence ; that 
he might be able to do so was his earnest hope and 
wish. But if, unhappily, Montmorency should be found 
guilty, he would be compelled to act solely with a view 
to the interests of his realm, and he thought your 
Majesty in his position would do the same. Other- 
wise, he would most gladly do whatever he could to 
oblige your Majesty. 

I concluded by asking that arbitrators might be 
appointed, according to precedent, to make a valuation 
of the Crown lands m the provinces which he was 
assigning to the Queen. He agreed to do so, but 



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A SHADOW OF THE STATES-GENERAL, 87 

asked me, as he was ignorant of such business, either 
to put my request in writing or to see the Chancellor 
and Councillors about it And so I left the King. 

I was much gratified during my interview with the 
Chancellor at the warm terms in which he spoke of your 
Majesty's kindness to him when he went to Vienna, 



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88 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

induced to agree that every man should pay to the 
King the price of one day's food, and it is supposed 
that in so great a country as France this will produce 
a very considerable sum. They made this promise, 
however, only conditionally, and subject to its ratifica- 
tion by their fellows. All who spoke endeavoured to 
impress upon the King that, if he did not conclude 
peace, ruin was inevitable. 

As regards the prospect of peace, matters are so 
complicated and uncertain that it is difficult to judge. 
There are strong reasons for desiring it : the country is 
in a most miserable state, the war is most unpopular, 
money is scarce, revolution is raising her head ; but 
again there are difficulties in the way : the terms offered 
are hard, there are old grudges on either side, the 
King's word commands no confidence, the party in 
power has lost its authority, and royalty its prestige. 
Which way the scale will turn it is not easy to telU 
Meanwhile there is no break in the war ; they are 
fighting more fiercely than ever. The King has lately- 
ordered his troops to burn all the crops in Languedoc 
within their reach, causing thereby as much loss to the 
loyalists as to his enemies. There is also a report 
that the King has raised new levies of cavalry, an4 
that C6nd6 is coming with an army. Some of his 
party tried a few days ago to surprise certain towns, 
among which were Poitiers, Compiegne, Amiens, and 
Besan9on. From these attempts it is thought in Paris 
that peace is probable. As it was agreed that each 
party should retain what they actually held at the ter- 
mination of the war, this condition is supposed to be 
the motive for these attempts. Further, however 
much inclined for peace the King and Cond6 may 
be, still people think that neither will treat except 
sword in hand. As to the credit to be attached to 



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wmmmmmmmcBi 



GENOA A SAFETY-VALVE, 89 

these reports, I am by no means certain, but I 
think I can answer for one thing, that, if they make 
peace between themselves, they will attack their neigh- 
bours, in order to gfive an outlet to all those uneasy 



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90 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

vince ; still there will be no harm in sending the fol- 
lowing particulars. After the taking of Bnren^ the 
persons appointed by the two parties separated with- 
out effecting anything or even concluding an armistice. 
The Royalists hope to finish the war by force of arms, 
and are therefore prosecuting it vigorously by land; 
they are also fitting out a fleet once more. Their 
chances of speedy success will be considerably in- 
creased by their obtaining a supply of small galleys, 
which are independent of winds and tides. By means 
of such boats Mondragon ^ has ferried his troops over 
to some islands, and intends to occupy others as 
opportunities occur, his design being thus to cut off 
Zealand from Holland, and prevent them from helping 
each other. However successful the Royalists may 
be, it will be a long business, and who can tell what 
may happen in the interval to create fresh difficulties 
for them ? Of this much there is no doubt : Orange 
has openly declared that, if he finds himself beaten, he 
will, as a last resource, enter into negotiations with 
England or France or some other power, and place a 
foreign Sovereign in possession.^ In spite of this clear 
declaration of his intentions, there are people who are 

* Buren, in Gelderland, was taken by the Spanish General Hierges, at 
the .end of June 1575. For details of the siege see Thuanus, iii. 73 ; 
Straduy i. 393. The date of the final rupture of the negotiations was 
July 13, 1575.— Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part IV. ch. iii. 

* For a sketch of Mondra^on's life and character see Motley, United 
Netherlands^ iii. 342-3. The expedition which Busbecq mentions as 
contemplated was carried out on September 27. See Motley, Rise of the 
Dutch Republic, Part I V. ch. iii. 

' ' At the same time in the assembly of the Confederate States, the 
question of asking the protection of some powerful neighbouring Sovereign 
was long and hotly debated, as some were inclined to the Empire, and 
the Princes and States of the Empire, others to the King of France, and 
others again to the Queen of England. The side, however, prevailed 
which was in favour of an English alliance.'— 7%«^««j, iii. 79^ For a 
full account see Meteren, 153-155. 



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THE KINGS AMUSEMENTS, 91 

SO confident in the present state of affairs that they take 
no thought for the future. Three days ago, they say, 
a gentleman came to Paris from the Governor of the 
Netherlands to ask the Duke of Lorraine's permission 
for the passage through his territories of some thou- 
sands of Spaniards and Italians, whom the King of 
Spain, it appears, is sending to the Netherlands. If 



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92 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

lay claim to the money and employ it for his own 
private purposes. Whether this story is founded on 
fact or not, there is no doubt that people are constantly 
saying that it will be a bad day for France when the 
Queen goes away.^ 

The King's desire to retain the Crown of Poland 
will probably be a powerful motive for making peace, 
as his advisers consider his chances are hopeless if 
civil war continues in France. The Poles, they say; 
will never believe that anything is to be got out of 
people who have their hands so full at home ; but if 
peace is made, they may be convinced that the money 
will be forthcoming, and that the King will some day 
return to Poland. 

Your Frenchman will gratify his own desires re- 
gardless of the ruin and destruction he causes to 
others; all with whom the French have been con- 
cerned have been brought to ruin, or at any rate to 
the brink of it, and this, I fear, will be the fate of 
Poland and Genoa. 

Paris, July, 1575. 



LETTER XXV. 



No provision has as yet been made for the money re- 
quired for the Queen's service, in spite of my reiterated 
requests ; not only were the former letters of no avail, 
but the orders of your Majesty's Chamber, which were; 
lately sent to Augsburg, have proved equally ineffi- 
cacious. Accordingly, we have been fooled not twice, 
as the proverb says, but three or four times. Mean- 
while the Queen requires ready money for many pur- 

^ See page 128, and note. 



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WA YS AND MEANS, 93 

poses, and we can think of no plan for defraying our 
necessary expenses without money, or for procuring it 
without damaging our character ; consequently we are 
in great difficulties. I send your Majesty a list of 
ladies to whom special presents ought to be made at 
the Queen's departure; they must be given, or she 
will be thought to have behaved unhandsomely. The 



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94 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

they should be repaid to Monsieur de Vulcob at 
Vienna. I most humbly beseech your Majesty to 
give the necessary orders accordingly, and to charge 
the money to the account of my yearly salary. 

The Queen, it appears, has still chances left her, 
and your Majesty will probably have plenty of 
aspirants to her hand, from whom you may choose a 
new son-in-law ! Duke Eric of Brunswick ^ has sent 
a gentleman hither with credentials. Doctor Joachim 
Gotzen, to offer the Queen a share in his bed and 
board. He likewise offers his portion of the Duchy of 
Brunswick, such as it is, and 100,000 crowns which he 
has in France, and undertakes that, if he dies without 
children, his dominions and the rest of his property 
shall go to the House of Austria. As the Doctor 
hinted and suggested instead of using plain language, 
the Queen could only make a guess at what he meant 
When he pressed for an answer, she referred him to 
me. Accordingly he repeated his story to me, and 
asked me to get the Queen to give him an answer in 
person. I told him that her husband's death had 
been a great shock, and that any suggestion of a 
second marriage, whoever the person might be, was 
most distasteful to her. An answer from herself was 

* Duke Eric of Brunswick succeeded his father the Duke of Bruns- 
wick-Wolfenbiittel, in the principalities of Gottingen and Calenberg. 
Brought up as a Lutheran, he afterwards became a Roman Catholic. He 
fought on the Spanish side at St Quentin, and was subsequentiy employed 
in the Netherlands and Portugal. He does not seem to have taken his 
rejection much to heart, as in the following December he married Doro- 
thea, daughter of Christina, Duchess of Lorraine (see note, page 63), and 
sister of Charles, the reigning Duke. Busbecq's Queen honoured the 
marriage of her rejected suitor with her presence (see page 129). He 
died at Pavia in 1584. In the opinion of Thuanus (iii. 703), he was 
* terribilis suis, neque tamen re ulla memorabili gesta admodum clarus.' 
His widow afterwards married the Marquis de Varembon, the lover of 
Mademoiselle de Tournon, whose pathetic story is told by her royal mis- 
tress. See M ^moires de Marguerite^ 1 10- 1 14. 



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A PROPOSAL BY DEPUTY. 



95 



therefore out of the questioh. I added, that the Duke 
could write, if he pleased, to your Majesty, whose ward 
she had again become by her husband's death, and 
that he would get an answer from you. I treated him 
throughout the conversation with all possible courtesy, 
and contrived to satisfy him with this reply, which he 
took back to his master. He only asked me that the 
matter might not go further; I promised it should 
remain a secret, and I also undertook at his request, 
should I ever fall in with the Duke, to bear witness to 
the care and loyalty with which he had discharged his 
commission. The letter was written from Aachen, 
and bore the following address, in the Duke's own 
handwriting, as I think, * De V. R. Mag*^ muy fiel y 
leal servidor hasta a la muerte, qui sus reales manos 
besa mas de cien mil vezes. El Duque .Erico de 
Brunswicque y Lunenburg.' 

If matters go on as they have begun, the Palace 
will be as full of dissension as the rest of France. 
Every day the discords between the Princes increase, 
even between those who ought to be most closely 
united by the ties of blood and kindred. Alen9on 
cannot keep quiet : he is on the watch for an oppor- 
tunity to upset the Government, and will probably end 
by attempting some notable coup d' Mat. Some sus- 
pect him of even aspiring to the throne. It is all the 
Queen Mother can do to keep him from throwing off 
his allegiance. Not that she wishes to humiliate him, 
for she is very fond of him, and anxious to advance 
his interests in every way. Possibly in this she has an 
eye to her own advantage, in order to gain Alen^on's 
protection against his brother's power, in case her 
influence over the King should ever diminish. There 
is also no love lost between Alen9on and the Duke of 
Guise. The former is supposed to have some secret 



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96 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

understanding with the Huguenots, and people think 
that he was privy to the attempts recently made on a 
number of towns, in which some of his friends lost their 
lives. His confidant in all his designs is his sister, who 
is on bad terms with the King and the new Queen, 
For the matter of that, she does not stand well with 
her husband, the Due de Vend6me ; there are strange 
stories about her. 

Paris, July, 1575. 



LETTER XXVI. 



On the 18th of this month the Queen started for 
Amboise. On her departure from Paris the King 
accompanied her to the gates of the city, and his 
brother, Venddme, and Guise somewhat further, while 
the Duke of Lorraine with the Cardinal of Este, the 
Due de Mayenne, the Due d^Aumale, and the Marquis 
de Nomeny escorted her to the village^ where she 
dined. As I was sitting at table there with the Duke 
of Lorraine and the Cardinal of Este, each of them 
spoke much of their affection for your Majesty and 
the great honour that had been done them in being 
chosen, the one to escort the Queen on her journey, 
and the other to receive her as his guest. The D.uke 
of Lorraine told me that in three or four days he was 
returning home to make the necessary preparations for 
the Queen's arrival ; he is also afraid of disturbances 
arising in his absence, there being a very general 
report in Paris that 2,000 German reiters are comings 
who are to make their way in light marching order 
through Burgundy and Switzerland to join Damville, 

* Bourg-la-Reine, near Sceaux.— Z?^ VEstoiley i. 85* 



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.j^ ^ vwm^mmmm^fmmui, .,.Pij.^,jjL-jaju.--.- mj-^^^^^- 



THE QUEEN AND HER DAUGHTER, 97 

and that more will shortly follow, as 8,006 have been 
hired. This is the topic of general conversation, and 
the military preparations which the King has been 
making show that he regards the news as well- 
founded. 



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98 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

SO I can only do all in my power to hasten her de- 
parture. 

Amboise, August 25, 1575. 



LETTER XXVII. 



As regards the affairs of this kingdom, I have not 
much to tell. The report that the German reiters 
are coming has made the Royalists rush to arms ; 
hopes of peace, however, are not altogether abandoned. 
They seem to think they will make peace on more 
favourable terms if they are ready for war. The 
King, passing over his brother, who, according to 
precedent, was entitled to that ofifice, has appointed 
Guise his Lieutenant and Commander-in-chief. He is 
now raising troops in the district of Langres. It is 
supposed, however, that they are neither very nume- 
rous nor trustworthy, and that there are many among 
them who would rather be vanquished than victorious. 
Although the war is only just beginning, money is 
already lacking to carry it on, and the King has had 
recourse to a forced loan from the Princes of his Court 
and the leading men of the kingdom. The Chancellor 
contributed 4,000 francs ; Lansac, de Morvilliers, and 
several others, 3,000 a-piece ; while the Constable — 
that is, the Duchess Dowager of Montmorency — was 
assessed at 6,000 francs, which are equivalent to 2,000 
crowns. The sums so raised are said to amount to 
100,000 crowns. Such are the straits to which France 
is reduced. 

Attempts, they say, have been made by the rebels 
on several towns — Tours, Chartres, and many others 
— in which free use was made of Alen9on's name- 



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COLTGNY'S MURDEi^ER. 99 

Though matters have gone so far, commissioners from 
the rebels for the conclusion of peace are still expected 
in Paris. Besme, the German — who was the actual 
murderer of Admiral Coligny — on his way back from 
Spain, fell into the hands of the enemy, and is in great 
danger, but Guise leaves no stone unturned in order 
to liberate him.^ Montbrun's wounds were such that 
recovery was impossible, but, anxious that he should 
not die, save by the hands of the executioner, they 
caused him to be beheaded at Grenoble. As the 
English Ambassador * was suspected of having secret 

* According to Mezeray, Histoire de France^ iii. 380, and Amyraut, 
Idfe of La Noue^ 166, his real name was Dianovitz, and he was a Bohe- 
mian by birth (Bohesme, Boesme, Besme). He is, however, generally 
called simply Besme. Brantdme, who knew him well, tells us he was a 
page of the Cardinal de Guise, and married an illegitimate daughter of 
the Cardinal de Lorraine, a former maid of honour to Elizabeth of 
France, Queen of Philip II., who gave her a marriage portion. Two 
years afterwards he was sent to Spain, by Guise, under the pretext of 
buying horses, but in reality, it was said, to renew the secret alliance 
which had existed between Philip and the late Cardinal de Lorraine. Ac- 
cording to Brant6me, he went ' tant pour querir son manage que pour 
braver et se monstrer en piaffe devant le Roy et les Espagnols, et dire que 
c'estoit luy qui avoit faicj le coup de M. FAdmiraL' On his return he was 
taken prisoner between Barbezieux and Chasteauneuf, and brought to the 
CasUe of Bouteville. Being recognised, he offered a large sum for his 
ransom, and to get Montbrun exchanged against himself. The Guises, 
too, made great efforts to obtain his release. However, when news 
came of Montbrun's execution, the inhabitants of Rochelle, *qui le 
vouloient acheter pour en faire faire justice exemplaire ' {De PEstoile, i. 83), 
offered 1,000 crowns for him to Bertoville, the Governor of Bouteville. 
The latter, for fear of reprisals against the Huguenot prisoners, did not 
wish to put him to 3eath openly, and, on the other hand, had no intention 
of letting him go unpunished for the murder of Coligny. He therefore 
had recourse to the following stratagem. He caused one of his soldiers 
to enter into conmiunication with Besme, and to agree for a bribe to let 
him escape. The soldier then reported Besme's plans to the Governor, 
who posted an ambush where the fugitive was to pass. He fell into their 
hands and was killed on the spot. For an account of his murder of 
Coligny, see BrantSme, iii. 280. 

* The English Ambassador— or more properly Minister — at that time 
was Dr. Valentine Dale. 

H 2 '. : ,^. ^'^ ;^ : 



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loo LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

dealings with Alen^on and others, the King has re- 
quested all the Ambassadors to quit their houses in the 
faubourgs and come into the city, where it will be 
easier to protect them ; this, at least, is the reason 
assigned. The new Queen has had an attack of 
jaundice, but has been steadily improving for the last 
few days. As for other news, desperate atrocities are 
every day committed in Paris ; murder and lust run 
riot together. Even into the King's own ante- 
chamber they carry their brawls and quarrels, and 
come to blows when they are all but in his presence. 
No notice is taken of these outrages, and apparently 
they are not regarded as offences against the King. 

I had got to this point in my letter a few days 
after the courier's arrival in Paris, and hoped to send 
him back without delay, when news of great im- 
portance reached me, of which your Majesty must be 
informed. Alen^on, the Kings brother, who is eager 
to upset the Government, and has long been on bad 
terms with his brother, has fled from Paris. Having 
arranged his plans some time before, he pretended on 
the evening of September 15 to be going to certain 
ladies, whom he had made a habit of visiting in order 
to throw the King off his guard. He drove there in a 
carriage with only two companions, one of whom he 
sent back to the Palace to see what the King and 
Queen Mother were doing ; with the other he went 
into the house. But he was no sooner inside than he 
went out by a back door, got into another carriage, 
which was waiting for him, and drove off to a trysting- 
place not far away, where horses and companions were 
waiting for him.^ Others joined them on the road, so 

' Compare his sister Marguerite's account. * Le soir venu, peu 
avant le soupper du Roy, mon frere changeant de manteau, et le 
mettant autour du nez, sort seulement suivy d*un des siens, qui n'estoit 



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ALENQON'S FLIGHT, lor 

that before he reached Dreux, where he arrived in 
twenty-four hours, travelling without intermission, he 
had, it is believed, an escort of almost 200 men. Dreux 
is a county forming part of his appanage, not far from 
Normandy. He was admitted by the inhabitants, not 
so much from any affection towards him, as because they 
were taken by surprise, and not prepared to resist so 
strong a party. 

Meanwhile, the gentleman whom he had sent back 
to the King returned to the house, and finding him 
gone brought the news to the King. The latter at 
first hoped he would return. But when time passed, 
and he did not appear, suspicion became certainty, 
and they knew that he had fled. Parties were des- 
patched to bring him back, but all in vain ; he had 
got some hours' start of his pursuers and had lost iio 

pas recongneu, et s'en va k pied jusques k la porte de Saint- Honnor^^ oi 
11 trouve Simid (Jean de Seymer, master of Alengon's Wardrobe) avec 
le carrosse d'une dame, qu'il avoit empruntd pour cet effect, dans lequel 
11 se mit, et va jusques k quelques maisons k un quart de lieue de Paris, 
ou il trouva des chevaux qui Pattendoient, sur lesquels montarit, k quel- 
ques lieues de Ik il trouva deux ou trois cens chevaulx de ses servitetu*s 
qui Tattendoient au rendez-vous qu*il leur avoit donn^. L'on ne s'apper- 
9oit point de son partement que sur les neuf heures du soir. Le koy et 
la Royne ma mere me demanderent pourquoy il n'avoit point soupp^ 
avec eux, et s'il estoit malade. Je leur dis que je ne I'avois point veu 
depuis Tapres-disn^e. lis envoyerent en sa chambre voir ce qu'il faisoit ; 
ou leur vinst dire qu'il n'y estoit pas. lis disent qu'on le cherche par 
toutes les chambres des dames, oh. il avoit accoustum^ d'allen On 
cherche par le chasteau, on cherche par la ville ; on ne le trouve point. 
A cette heure I'allarme s'eschauffe ; le Roy se met en colere, se cour* 
rouce, menace, envoye querir tous les princes et seigneurs de la cour, 

leur commande de monter k cheval, et le luy ramener vif ou mort 

Plusieurs de ces princes et seigneurs refusent cette commission, remori* 
strans au Roy de quelle importance elle estoit. . . . Quelques aultres ac- 
cepterent, et se preparerent pour monter k cheval. lis ne peurent faire 
telle diligence qu'ils peussent partir plustost que sur le poinct du jour, qui 
fut cause qu'ils ne trouverent point mon frere, et furent contraincts de 
revenir pour n'estre pas en esquipage de guerre.' — Mdmoires de Margue^ 
ritey p. 64. 



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LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 



time on the road. Morever, some of the King's people 
had a hint that it might be dangerous to pursue the 
chase too far, for they found on the road the dead 
body of one of the Royal Guards, whose duty it was 
to patrol that district. The man had challenged 
Alengon, and asked who he was, and where he was 
going. His comrade — for there were two of them 
— would have shared his fate, but he bad the pre- 
sence of mind, when his horse was killed by a shot, 
to lie still and pretend to be dead. After this warning 
the pursuers gave up the chase. It would have been 
madness for them to continue it, as they knew he was 
strongly escorted, while they were mere stragglers 
hurrying along without any attempt at organisation, 
as naturally is the case in a sudden and extemporised 
pursuit. Alen9on*s flight — or departure, as some may 
call it — has produced a deep impression on the King 
and the Queen Mother, as they foresee what a serious 
addition it will make to the other calamities of France. 
The next day the King ordered Nevers to follow 
his brother with some regiments of cavalry to prevent 
the towns from revolting, and to protect them against 
assault. He has fixed his head-quarters at Chartres, 
probably in order to cut off Alengon from the Loire, 
atid to prevent his penetrating into the country on the 
other side of that river, where he must retreat if he 
wishes to join his partisans. A few days afterwards 
the Queen Mother followed, in the hope of recalling 
him to his senses before he was utterly perverted by 
intercourse with rebels; but she was not allowed to see 
him. Indeed, her coming had the contrary effect, for 
Alengon, suspecting foul play, and thinking he had 
evidence of something of the kind, set out for the 
Loire with his followers by a circuitous route, in order 
to cross while it was still fordable by reason of the 



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THE QVEEN-MOTHER AND ALENgON. 103 

drought of last summer, and thus ensure his safety 
and facilitate his junction with the King's opponents. 
Behind him came the Queen and Nevers — his mother 
and his foe. The latter would have attacked him 
whenever an opportunity presented itself, as was the 
case at his passage of the Loire, but was forbidden by 
the Queen. She was anxious to avoid an engagement 
as long as possible, for any bloodshed might make war 
inevitable. At last, after crossing the river, he granted 
an audience to his mother. She spoke, they say, with 
great ability, representing to him the disastrous con- 
dition of the country, and reminding him that the 
course he was taking would greatly aggravate existing 
evils ; * he, who was the heir presumptive to the crown, 
ought to be the last man,* she told him, * to split the 
kingdom in two.' The result of the interview was 
that an armistice for a few days was arranged, to give 
time for the delegates of the different parties to 
assemble, and for peace negotiations to be opened. 

Meanwhile, it was decided that Montmorency 
should be released from prison, on giving his parole 
not to leave Paris without the King's permission. 
Alengon is also said to have demanded that certain 
very influential persons should be removed from Court. 
Among them the Chancellor is included, and some 
other councillors of the King, who, Alen9on thinks, are 
hostile to himself and his party. 

But his chief motive for running away, it is sup- 
posed, was a desire to escape from the degrading 
surveillance under which he was kept ; he remembered 
that when his brother occupied the same position, he 
possessed unbounded influence and had the revenues 
of some of the richest provinces to support his rank, 
while hey on the other hand, was granted but trifling 
allowances, exercised no influence, and could scarcely 



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I04 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

call himself his own master.^ Charles IX. had ap- 
pointed the present King his Lieutenant, and had 
entrusted him with the entire management of the war 
and with the government of the country ; while he 
had been passed over in favour of Guise. It was 
not likely that a young Prince, eager for adventure 
and thirsting for war and glory, would patiently submit 
to such treatment. Hence he was induced to take 
this serious step, the consequences of which God only 
knows. There is an impression that the King had 
been warned by fetters from several people of 
Alengon's intentions, and had resolved to place him 
under closer surveillance, but the Prince escaped the 
day before the one on which he was to have been 
arrested. 

On the loth of this month news arrived here of 
the defeat of the German reiters by Guise. As they 
were marching into Berry to join Alen9on, Guise came 
upon them at the passage of the Marne and routed 
the part that had crossed, their commander, Affenstein, 
being killed, and Monsieur de Clervant^ taken pri- 
soner. Those who had not yet crossed were terrified 
by the disaster, and began to treat for a surrender. 
The King was consulted, and decided that their sur- 
render should be accepted, on condition of their not 
serving against him for a year. They were left in 
possession of their horses, swords, and cuirasses, and 
the rest of their accoutrements, having to give up only 
their standards and fire-arms, and an escort was ap- 
pointed to conduct them over the frontier. Thor6, 
the son of the Constable, and many Frenchmen be- 
sides) to the number of 200, who were with the 

^ See note, p. 117. 

* Claude Antoine de Vienne, Baton de ClerVant, bom at Metz, 1505. 
He was the chief leader of the Huguenots in the north-east of France. 



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UIM. !JII mil 



GUISBS VICTORY. 105 

Germans, crossed the river in the middle of the night, 
and so escaped safe and sound. The Germans accuse 
them of deserting them, while they retort on the 
Germans that, though the safety of the army depended 
on its speed, they could not be induced to leave their 
baggage behind to lighten them on their march, and 
declare that the disaster, in which they lost not only 
their baggage but everything else, was due to their 
wilfulness. They say that Guise during his pursuit 
of the Germans often had the chance of plundering 
this baggage-train, but that he was deterred by the 
advice of an experienced general, who said that it 
would delay their march, and finally compel them to 
fight at a disadvantage. Be that as it may, the dis- 
grace of these troops is in my opinion greater than 
their actual loss. Our friends in Paris are much 
elated at their victory. The fate of the Frenchmen 
who escaped by their speed is uncertain, for there are 
plenty to pursue them. Guise, however, himself did 
not come out of the encounter scot free ; he received 
a serious wound in the jaw from a musket ball, and 
was at first considered to be in great danger; the 
King, who loves him very dearly, gave him up for 
lost, and was much distressed. Now, however, he is 
expected to recover. 

The day before the news of this battle arrived, the 
King set Montmorency free, and restored him to his 
former influential position. Accordingly, he is made 
acquainted with the chief secrets of State, as he used 
to be, and now, in the absence of Alen9on and the 
rest of the Princes of the Blood, takes precedence 
next to the King. There is a notion that he, accom- 
panied by Coss6, will shortly join the Queen Mother 
to act as a mediator. Alengon, people think, will 
return to-morrow to his mother at Blois to re-open 



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io6 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

negotiations. To me the whole story sounds sus- 
picious, and, granted that he does go back there, I 
think they will hardly come to terms. But supposing 
they do, it is to my mind quite certain that war will 
presently follow, either in the Netherlands or in Italy 
with Alen^on as the nominal or, perhaps, the real com • 
mander. 

To-day news has arrived here that Thord and his 
followers, after routing those who barred their passage, 
have reached the Loire. He has, they say, about 400 
horse, among whom are many Germans. Whether he 
will be able to cross is uncertain, as a strong force has 
been collected in hopes of crushing him. Two thou- 
sand of Alen^on's cavalry with some infantry are 
reported to be awaiting his arrival on the other side of 
the Loire. 

Paris, October 14, 1575. 



LETTER XXVIH. 



On September 12, the day the Queen returned to 
Paris from Amboise, the courier arrived and delivered 
to me your Majesty's letter and instructions. On the 
following day I asked an audience of the King, but 
was put off till the next day. After complimenting 
the King and the Queen Mother in your Majesty's 
name, I laid your request before them — namely, that 
the date appointed for the Queen's departure should 
be adherai to. The King answered he would do 
what he could to meet your Majesty's views. I replied 
that it was of great consequence that I should have a 
definite answer to send to your Majesty, as otherwise 
the ladies and gentlemen, who were to meet the Queen 
at Nancy by your Majesty's orders, might find them- 



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AN AUDIENCE OF THE KING, 107 

selves in an awkward position. He agreed that the 
request was reasonable, and promised to lay the matter 
before the Council, and give me a definite answer on 
the morrow. So passed away that day and the next, 
which was the 1 5th of the month, the day on the even- 
inp- of which Alencon fled. I received almost the same 



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io8 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

sending back the Queen at the time arranged, and I 
must see myself the difficulties that surrounded him. 
What the King said was only too true, and accord- 
ingly I answered that I would comply with his request 
and write as he wished to your Majesty, saying, * I felt 
no doubt that your Majesty, with whom he was con- 
nected by so many ties, would give him the warmest 
sympathy in his troubles, and would gladly afford him 
any assistance in your power.' I then used such language 
as I thought was likely to comfort him. As to the 
Queen's departure, I told him that your Majesty was 
most anxious to have her back, and that your plans 
did not admit of her prolonged absence, and asked 
him, if it was impossible for her to leave at once, at 
any rate to fix the earliest possible date. He said 
he would consider my request, and promised to send 
me an answer on the following day together with his 
letter to your Majesty. At my interview with the 
Queen Mother almost the same language was used on 
both sides, except that I added that I thought, if the 
Queen's departure were put off much longer, your 
Majesty would be obliged to consider how to bring her 
home at your own expense, for you felt that a longer 
separation was unbearable. 

From that time to this I have never ceased press- 
ing the King every day and demanding an answer, 
but my efforts have been of no avail. The truth is, 
the King has given his ministers instructions to find 
the funds nedessary for the Queen's journey, but this 
is a very difficult matter, and, until he is sure of the 
money, he cannot positively fix the date at which she 
is to leave. In the mean time due attention has been 
paid to all the interests of the Queen. A valuation 
has been made of the Crown lands, and also of the 
other property. A contract has been drawn up, and a 



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THE DOWER FINALLY SETTLED, 109 

demand has been made that the deficiency in value of 
the Crown lands assigned should be made good. For 
the Duchy of Berry with the County of Le Forez, the 
upper and lower parts of La Marche, and Remorantin 
did not come to much above 26,000 francs, so that 
nearly 6,000 were wanting to make up the sum the 



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no LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

I feel confident that the Queen will be able to set out 
about November 25 or 26. For I think it better to 
risk our money than to lose our time, lest, in the changes 
of this mortal life, something should occur to make us 
regret deeply the loss of the opportunity; though I 
feel no doubt that the 1 2,cxx) crowns decreed by the 
King can be secured for the Queen even after she has 
gone. When the day of her departure draws near, the 
Queen will send a courier of her own to bring your 
Majesty news of the final arrangements. In order to 
relieve your Majesty's anxiety, it has been decided not 
to detain the present courier any longer ; the Queen 
would have sent him back some days ago if she had 
not been waiting for the Kings letter to your Majesty; 
he keeps promising to send it every day, but it does 
not come. 

One point with reference to the Queen's journey 
remains for consideration, and that is a serious one. 
More German reiters are said to be on the point of 
entering France, and there is danger of the seat of 
war being transferred to Champagne and the country 
through which her Majesty is to travel ; so that it is 
doubtful whether the road to Nancy will be safe, or, 
indeed, if it will be open at all. Of course no one will 
do any harm to the Queen, but it would be impossible 
to answer for the safety of her French suite, and it would 
not perhaps be consistent with the King's dignity to 
beg his enemies to grant them a sort of passage on 
sufferance, and to place at their mercy Frenchmen of 
the highest position, and ladies of exalted rank, espe- 
cially as nothing is safe from the lawlessness and inso- 
lence of the times. As to these matters, the King can 
settle nothing at present, as he does not know what 
may be the state of things six weeks hence ; but I see 
that all the prudent and sensible men of my acquaint- 



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THE QUEEN'S ROUTE, iii 

ance entertain serious doubts as to the safety of this 
route. If it should happen to be closed, I doubt 
if there is a more convenient way than that through 
the Netherlands, by Cambrai, Valenciennes, Mons, 
Namur, and thence either to Coblentz or Trier. Here, 

Qorain ivf* arp met bv a dififiriill-v. for nf^rhariQ tVi#» C\r\- 



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112 LETTERS FROM FRANCE, 

received no letter from your Majesty ; but the agent 
of the merchants informed me that such and such an 
amount was to be placed to the Queen's credit, that 
the time of payment was the end of October, and that 
he would m^nwhile collect the money ; but, if there 
was any need for it sooner, he would pay down part of 
it No doubt we shall soon have despatches from your 
Majesty, arid I shall then understand the bearings of 
this business more clearly, I have also received no 
answer as yet to my requests about the watches and 
my own affairs. As regards the Kinsley question, I 
will do as your Majesty orders, when Schomberg ^ re- 
turns from the campaign on which he is now away with 
Monsieur de Guise ; or, if he answers the letter I sent 
him, I will inform your Majesty of his reply. I have 
received from de Morvilliers, the Bishop of Orleans 
.... crown pistoles on account of my yearly salary. I 
most humbly beg your Majesty graciously to order 
that amount to be paid to Monsieur de Vulcob in the 
usual way. 

Paris, October 23, 1575. 



LETTER XXIX. 



I SENT in my last^ letters by Peter the courier such 
news as I had. Since then I received your Majesty s 
letter from Prague, dated September 4, which in- 
formed me that arrangements had been made with a 
Nuremberg merchant for remitting the money to the 
Queen. The bills of exchange will, I trust, shortly 
arrive. Without this money it is impossible to gua- 

* See note 3, p. 124. 



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THE COUNTESS OF AREMBERG. 113 

rantee the Queen's return; for, though magnificent 
promises are held out to us, they are not to be relied 
on in these troublous times, when the country is so 
. ground down with taxation. The 20,000 crowns are 
thought to be certain ; but there will not be much 
left out of them after paying the wages of the house- 
hold and making preparations for the journey ; 1 2,000 
more are promised, a sum which would be abundantly 
sufficient if we could reckon on it, but I am afraid 
the prospect of its being paid is somewhat remote, 
and to wait for the money would be to subject the 
Queen to endless trouble and vexation, and perhaps 
cause injury to her health. For her anxiety to return 
to your Majesty, and to be quit of the troubles and 
hurly-burly of France, is unspeakable. I hope, too, 
your Majesty will remember what a dutiful and obedient 
daughter she has always been, and will therefore com- 
ply with her very reasonable request, and, now that she 
has been led to count on returning, not let her after 
all be disappointed. As regards the route she is to 
take, I hope your Majesty will graciously give the 
question your serious consideration. For here, indeed, 
there are continual reports that more German reiters 
are coming, and, in fact, are actually ready to march ; 
if this be true, there is also fear that the seat of war 
may be transferred to the countries through which lies 
the road to Lorraine. 

The Countess of Aremberg^ has written from 

1 Marguerite de la Marck, sovereign Countess of Aremberg, in her 
own right, was widow of Jean de Ligne, the Comte d' Aremberg who 
died so gallantly at Heiliger-Lee (see Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic^ 
Part III. ch. ii.) She had already had the honour of escorting Elizabeth, 
when she came to France as a bride. She visited Marguerite de Valois 
when she went to Spa in 1577. * Plusieurs seigneurs et dames d'AUemaigne 
y estoient venus pour me voir, et entre aultres madame la comtesse 
d'Aremberg (qui est celle qui avoit eu Thonneur de conduire la royne 

VOL. II. I 



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114 LETTERS FROM FRANCE, 

Nancy to inform the Queen of her arrival there, and 
also to inquire what she wishes her to do, and what 
hope there may be of her soon leaving. She tells her 
that she has been away for some time, and is much 
wanted at home, but will postpone everything if she 
can be of any use. The Queen replied thkt there was 
not much hope of her leaving before November 25 ; 
she might, therefore, revisit her home in the meantime, 
provided that she presented herself at Nancy by that 
day to give the Queen the advantage of her society 
and company on the journey, according to your Ma- 
jesty's desire. To prevent her making any mistake 
about the day, she would later on send a letter to 
inform her fully of the intended arrangements. It 
will, I think, take the Countess six or, at the utmost, 
seven days to travel from Nancy to her home. 

As for other news, the state of affairs here is much 
the same as it was ; what little alteration there has been 
is for the worse, as Alengon's last move has made 
people less hopeful as to peace. Till lately he appeared 
to approve of Blois as a safe place for holding the 
negotiations, but he is now said to have changed his 
mind, and to demand Poitiers, his reason being that 
none of the King s opponents will trust themselves at 
Blois, as it is too near Paris and they ape afraid of foul 
play. There is a notion that his real motive is not 
peace, but to obtain possession of a strongly fortified 
town. Time will show. Montmorency, to whom 
everybody's thoughts are turned as the best mediator 
between the opposing parties, set out a few days ago 
for Alen9on*s quarters. When he started from Paris 

Elizabeth k ses ijopces k Mezieres, lors qu^elle vint espouser le roy 
Charles mon frere, et ma soeur aisn^e au roy d'Espaigne son mary), 
femme qui estoit tenue en grande estime de rimperatrice, de Tempereur, 
et de tous les princes chrestiens.' — Mdmoires de Marguerite^ p. 109. 



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THE FICKLENESS OF FORTUNE. 115 

he was escorted by a multitude of gentlemen and 
courtiers. He is indeed a remarkable instance of for- 
tune's changes, for only recently he was in great danger 
and so hated and despised by everyone that his strong 
prison-walls seemed scarcely able to protect him from 
the violence and insults of the mob and his enemies. 
His brother, Thor6, with his troops, has got safe to 
Alengon, after routing at various places those who tried 
to oppose his march, and taking prisoners some who 
pursued him too eagerly. 

As to your Majesty's gracious answer about the 
watches, it is my duty to be most humbly satisfied with 
whatever meets with your Majesty's approbation. 

Paris, October 23, 1575. 

I must also humbly beseech your Majesty to give 
us betimes any directions about the Queen's departure 
and her journey, otherwise we may be greatly inconr 
venienced by having to alter our plans at the last 
moment. I shall endeavour to adhere to the arranger 
ments already mentioned, and intend to use my utmost 
efforts to have the Queen's preparations for the journey 
completed by November 25. Accordingly, I mean about 
November 20 to send your Majesty tidings by a pri- 
vate courier. He will hardly reach your Majesty 
before the 27th. Again, some time will be required 
In order to apprise those who are to escort the Queen 
of your Majesty's wishes, and to enable them to reach 
Nancy. I must therefore ask the Queen to postpone 
her departure to December 1, so as to arrive at Nancy 
about the loth or nth of the same month. I send 
these details in the hope that your Majesty will be 
graciously pleased to correct any mistake I may have 
made. 

I 2 



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ii6 LETTERS FROM FRANCE, 



LETTER XXX. 

On the night before November i, Louis du Guast was 
murdered in his bed ; he was stabbed in several places. 
The gates of Paris were kept shut all the next day, 
and search was made for the murderers, but they could 
not be found. The King*s brother Alen9on is sup- 
posed to have instigated the murder, or at any rate to 
have been privy to it, as he hated du Guast as much 
as the King loved him.^ The cause of their respective 

* Du Guast was one of Henry III.'s favourites, and possessed un- 
bounded influence over his master. On his return from Poland, whither 
du Guast had accompanied him, Henry gave him the bishoprics of 
Amiens and Grenoble. The former Ml vendit \ ime garse de la Cour la 
somme de 30,000 franco : aiant vendu auparavant F^vesch^ de Grenoble 
40,000 francs au fils du feu seingneur d'Avanson.' — De PEs^oile, i. 39. 
The King also gave him 50,000 livres he had raised by a forced loan 
from the Councillors and Advocates of the Parliament and Chitelet at 
Paris {De PEstoile, i. 54). De TEstoile, i. 92, gives an account of his 
murder, * II fust tu^ dans sa maison k Paris, rue Saint-Honor^, et avec 
lui son valet de chambre et un sien laquais, par certains hommes armds 
et masquds, qui Passassin^rent k coups d'esp^es et de dagues, sans estre 
congneus ne retenus. II dit, mourant, que c'estoit le baron de Viteaux, 
qui estoit k Monsieur, qui Tavoit tu^ : toutefois cela ne fust point av^r^, 
encores que la presumption en fust grande, et que cc coup avoit estd fait 
soubs bon adveu et par commandement ; d'autantque ce mignon superbe 
et audacieux, enfld de la faveur de son maistre, avoit brav^ Monsieur 
jusques k estre pass^ un jour devant lui en la rue Sainct-Antoine, sans le 
saluer ni faire semblant de le congnoistre, et avoit dit par plusieurs fois 
qu'il ne recongnoissoit que le Roy, et que quand il lui auroit command^ 
de tuer son propre fr^re, qu'il le feroit.' De PEstoile makes the reflection 
that, as he had shed much innocent blopd at the Massacre of Saint Bartho- 
lomew, so according to the word of God his own was shed, and that he 
himself was surprised and killed in his bed in the same manner as 
he used to boast he then surprised and killed others. Six months 
before the murder, Brant6me, who was an intimate friend of both parties, 
had made an attempt to induce du Guast to withdraw his opposition to 
the pardon which de Viteaux was anxious to obtain for tl^ ij[^urder of 
Millaud. (See page 189 and notes.) He thus concludes his accounjt 
of the murder : * Pour fin, le baron de Viteaux apr^s avoir fait son coup, 
sort si heureusement du logis, et se retira si bien et sans aucun bruit, 



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A BRAWL AT COURT. 117 

hatred and affection was but trifling ; still, for that very 
reason it ought, I think, to be mentioned. Some years 
ago Thor6, the Constable's son, had been playing 
tennis with du Guast, and had lost a considerable sum 
to him ; on du Guast's pressing for payment Thor^ 
kept putting him off and making excuses. Du Guast 
finally lost his temper^ took some horses outofThor6*s 
stable, sold them by auction and paid himself out of 
the proceeds. When this came to Thor6*s knowledge, 
he was exceedingly annoyed, and quarrelled with du 
Guast, and ere long they came to blows. The King, 
who was then Duke of Anjou (for the late King was 
still alive), being informed pf this, and fearing that du 

qu*on n'en soupgonna celuy qui avoit fait le coup que par conjectures, 
tant il fut fait secrettement, et ne se put jamais guieres bien prouver ; 
mesmes k moy, qui luy estois amy intime, ne me Fa voulu confesses' — 
Brantdme, vi. 93. The Baron de Viteaux was a notorious duellist ; his 
death is described by Busbecq (pages 189, 190). Du Guast was hated 
by Alen^on, and his sister Marguerite. The former's income depended 
on the favourite's pleasure, ^ mon frere n'ayant eu jusques alors son 
appennage, et s'entretenant seulement de certaines pensions mal as- 
signees, qui venoient seulement quand il plaisoit au Guast ' {Mimoires de 
Marguerite^ p. 63). He had also got Marguerite into scrapes, and was 
the deadly enemy of her lover, Bussy d'Amboise. All the evidence 
points strongly to the fact that he was murdered at her instigation. Not 
only do Thuanus (iii. 108-9) and Mezeray (Histoire de France^ iii. 
391) g^ve graphic accounts of her visit to de Viteaux at the monastery 
of the Augustins at Paris, where he had taken sanctuary, and tell 
how she persuaded him by her caresses to commit the murder, but her 
friend Brant6me, while he praises her for not oftener availing herself of 
this means of punishing her enemies, and asserts that she never retaliated 
on du Guast, makes the following admission (v. 187) : *I1 est vray que 
lors qu'on Teut tud, et qu'on luy vint annoncer, elle estant malade ' (she 
had a bad cold, MdmoireSy p. 66), * elle diet seulement " Je suis bien 
marrie que je ne suis bien guerie pour de joye solemniser sa mort." ' In 
her Mdmoires (p. 79), she alludes to du Guast's death only incidentally, 
but at the same time leaves on record unmistakeable evidence of her 
feehngs towards him. ' Le Guast lors estoit mort, ayant est^ tud par un 
jugement de Dieu, pendant qu'il suoit une diette, conmie aussy c'estoit 
un corps gast^ de toutes sortes de villanies, qui fust donn^ \ la pourriture 
qui des longtemps le possedoit, et son ame aux daemons, k qui il avoit 
faict hommage par magie et toutes sortes de meschancetez.' 



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ii8 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

Guast, who was his servant, would get the worst of it, 
as Thor^ was the more powerful man of the two, 
tuftled out with his guards to defend his proUgd. At 
the same time word was brought to Alen9on that 
Thor6 was in great danger, as Anjou had come to 
du Guast's assistance. Thereupon he immediately 
brought up his escort to defend his friend Thor6. A 
disgraceful contest seemed inevitable, but the Swiss 
behaved with great discretion, and at last they parted 
without bloodshed. 

However, from that day forth the brothers have 
been at variance, and the King has hated Thord and 
the whole house of Montmorency. Du Guast, on the 
other hand, has always had Alengon for his foe. 
Moreover, from his reliance on the King's favour he 
gave himself the habit of flouting Alen^on and speak- 
ing of him in disrespectful terms* His impertinence 
has tlow cost him dear. 

This du Guast had been appointed by the King 
commander of the ten regiments of Frenchmen which 
he had established after the modd of the Praetorian 
guardi Among them were many picked privates, Ser- 
jeants, and captains, who seldom left du Guast's side, 
and generally messed at his house at the King's ex- 
pense. Such was the splendour and sumptuousness of 
his table that if any of the Princes, such as the Duke 
of Guise, or the titular King of Navarre, chose to drop 
in upon him unexpectedly, they never had any reason 
to regret it. Du Guast was enabled to live in this 
magnificent style by the King's generosity, for it is 
certain that since he returned from Poland he has 
paid him more than 50,000 crowns for his expenses. He, 
on the other hand, thought it a point of honour not to 
be outdone by the King in generosity, and out of this 
vast sum laid by nothing for himself, as is sufficiently 



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HOMEWARD BOUND. 



119 



proved by his debts, which amount to 30,000 crowns. 
The King has taken his murder much to heart, and 
there is reason to fear it may serve as a torch and 
make the war between the two brothers blaze up more 
furiously than ever. 



Paris, November, 1575. 



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I20 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

without further delay, for fear your Majesty should, as 
on a former occasion, be kept waiting for her answer. 
She will therefore despatch a second messenger, 
as soon as the date of her departure is absolutely 
certain, to bring word to your Majesty and at the same 
time to give notice to Ilsing,^ in order that he may 
write to the ladies and gentlemen whom your Majesty 
has commanded to wait on the Queen. By this ar- 
rangement I hope we shall be able to save several days. 

I will now give some account of affairs in France. 
A few days ago Alen9on, the King's brother, took 
possession of Chatelherault,^ a town near Poitiers, with 
the free consent of the inhabitants. The Queen 
Mother is endeavouring to arrange with him for a six 
months' truce ; but he demands, as a guarantee of his 
personal safety, the possession of four most important 
towns — -Bourges the capital of Berry, Angers, Angou- 
lesme, and La Charitd — ^and I hardly think the King 
will consent to such hard terms, as they will be diffi- 
cult places to retake, supposing the negotiations for 
peace to prove a failure. It is evident the Queen 
Mother will do her very utmost to prevent her sons 
from fighting, but whether she will be able to stop 
them is more than I can say. 

The Duke of Guise has come back from the wars.^ 

^ See note 2, p. 64. 

' The word in the text is Casteldunum (CMteaudun),but this must be 
a misprint or mistake, as Chiteaudun is on the other side of the Loire, 
and a long way from Poitiers. From a journal kept by an Avocat of 
Saint-Maixent in Poitou, we are able to fix Alengon at La Guerche, which 
is dose to Chitelherault, on October i. Chitelherault is therefore pro- 
bably the place intended. See Le Riche, p. 238. 

' The Duke of Guise seems hardly to have deserved the credit he 
acquired at the battle of Chiteau Thierry. With 10,000 infantry and 
1,000 heavy cavalry, he attacked Thord, whose troops did not number 
more than 2,500 ; even of these some had been tampered with and went 
over to the Duke. Neither was the way in which he received the wound 



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LE BALAFRJ^. 



121 



He arrived at Paris the day before yesterday ; crowds 
went out to meet him, and everyone congratulated 
him warmly on his success. His wound is not as yet 
perfectly healed, but it is no longer considered dan- 
gerous. 

Michel ^ has come to Paris as ambassador for the 



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122 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

I hear that the Pope has offered the King 3000 
Swiss to assist him in the war, whiph is now imminent, 
against his brother and the Huguenots. 

Pibrac's relations tell me that they have been ex- 
pecting to hear from him for some time past, and, as 
he has not written, they think he must be on the road 
home. In his former letters he had given them to 
understand with tolerable plainness that he had little 
or no hope of success, and had therefore resolved to 
take the very first opportunity of quitting Poland. 

He felt sure that, if he remained in the country, 
some affront would be put on him, not by members of 
the opposite party, but by his own friends. The latter 
were not well treated when their influence was used to 
dissolve the Diet, Pibrac being unable to keep his 
promises to them on account of the failure of those on 
whom he relied. 

De Morvilliers has ordered 500 crowns to be paid 
to me ; I humbly beseech your Majesty to order that 
amount to be paid as usual to Monsieur de Vulcob. 

Paris, November 9, 1575. 



LETTER XXXn. 



After sending several times to Rouen to demand the 
money for the Queen's expenses during her journey, it 
was only yesterday that news arrived of the payment 
of the last instalment. With these tidings came also 
an answer to the Queen from the Queen Mother, ex- 
pressing her regret at being prevented by business of 
the greatest importance from going to Paris and 
bidding the Queen farewell in person before she left. 
After reading these letters the Queen came to the 



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LAST ARRANGEMENTS. 123 

conclusion that she was now at liberty to arrange a 
day for starting on her journey. December 4 was ap- 
pointed, with the approval of the King, whom I 
thought it advisable to consult ; in giving his sanction 
he expressed much sorrow at the Queen's departure 
being so near, saying he wished he could have kept 
her longer in Paris,' as he had no doubt that her 
presence had saved the realm of France from many 
a misfortune, and was afraid that her departure would 
be the signal for fresh calamities. 

The Queen thought that, as soon as it was definitely 
settled, she ought to give your Majesty the earliest 
possible information as to the date of her departure. 
Hitherto she has been afraid to write positively, on 
account of the doubts and uncertainties with which we 
have been surf ouftded, especially with regard to money, 
lest some difficulty should arise which would prevent 
her from keeping her appointment with those who are 
to meet her at Nancy. How, however, there is nothing 
to prevent her leaving on the day appointed, our funds 
being sufficient for the e:^penses of the journey as far 
as Nancy. There is a prospect, if we are willing to 
wait, of our raising mof e money, but for this we shall 
have to give a charge on the Queen's future income ; 
to the King, moreover, who is in great distress for 
money, this arrangenient would involve serious diffi- 
culties, while it would be no great benefit to the Queen, 
as her departure must in that case certainly be post- 
poned, and it is by no means certain that she would 
after all obtain the money, so that the funds provided 
by your Majesty have come in the nick of time to 
relieve us of our difficulties. 

Though matters are thus far arranged, I do not 
think that the Queen can reach Nancy before De- 
cember 18 or 19, and I am not at all sure that she will 



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124 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

not be kept there for several days, if the report be 
true that preparations are being made for the marriage 
of the Duke of Lorraine's sister to the Duke of Bruns- 
wick, in which case the ceremony will probably take 
place about that date. 

I have instructed the bearer of this letter to give 
notice of the date of the Queen's departure to the 
Duke of Lorraine at Nancy, the Bishop of Stras- 
burg ^ at Saveme in Alsace, and Using at Augsburg. 

The Queen sent forward part of her furniture 
eight days ago, and also four waggons of Orleans 
wine, which she thought would be beneficial in the 
present state of your Majesty's health, in order that, 
if she should not reach the Danube herself before it 
was frozen, at any rate her luggage might be able to 
go by water. With the baggage train were sent 
some greyhounds, and also a couple of lime-hounds,^ 
under the charge of a young gentleman and two ser- 
vants, who accompany them by the orders of the 
King. This young gentleman is a skilful huntsman, 
and it is hoped that your Majesty will be diverted at 
hearing him blow his horn, and cheer on his dogs in 
the French fashion. 

As to John Kinsky's business, I applied to Schom- 
berg.^ He maintains that he does not owe Kinsky a 

* John von Manderschiet Blankenheim, Bishop of Strasburg, 1572-92. 
The town of Saverne was an appanage of the Bishopric, and here in later 
times the Bishops of Strasburg had a magnificent cMteau. 

* * Limer, or Lime-hound, the same as Bloud-hound, a great dog to 
hunt the wild hodix.^ eWorld of Words, 

' Gaspard de Schomberg, Comte de Nanteuil, was descended from a 
German family of Meissen, but educated at Angers, in France. In 1562 
he fought in defence of the last-named town on the Protestant side. He 
afterwards entered the royal service and fought for the king at Moncon- 
tour. He was next employed on a mission to the German Princes 
to induce them to form a league against Spain. He accompanied 
Henry III. to Poland, as his Seneschal. He was one of those who per- 
suaded Henry IV. to go to Mass, and took a prominent part in the nego- 



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SCHOMBERGS DEBT. 521 

farthing ; he admits that he was in his debt at one 
time, but declares he paid the money over some time 
ago to certain parties by Kinskys directions, and 
maintains that it is no affair of his if the aforesaid 
parties have failed to make good the sum which they 
received. In proof of his assertion he brings forward 
the fact that the bond he gave to Kinsky has been 
returned. I asked him whether he could produce 
a genuine letter from Kinsky directing him to pay the 
money to the parties he had mentioned. He told me 
' he did not remember : he generally tore up letters of 
this kind ; but still it was possible that he might have it 
— at any rate, he was quite sure that Kinsky had given 
him distinct verbal directions to that effect' He next 
proceeded to abuse Kinsky for thus maligning him, 
and accused him of trying to take away- his character, 
threatening to make him pay for it if he continued to 
libel him. I asked him to give me in writing the 
statements he had made, that I might send them to 
your Majesty. He agreed to do so, but has not kept 
his promise : I cannot say whether he failed through 
want of time or want of will, for two days later the 
King sent him out of Paris, and whither he went I 
cannot say. 

The names of those who are to escort the Queen 
back I am unable to ascertain, for nearly every day 
there is a change of circumstances, and a correspond- 
ing change is made in the list. However, the appoint* 

tiations for peace between him and his rebellious subjects. He was on 
several occasions employed as the agent of the French Government for 
raising German troops. When Busbecq saw him he had just come to 
Paris with Bassompierre and Count Mansfeldt to conclude a bargain 
with the King for a levy of 8,000 mercenaries. 

The Kinskys were an ancient Bohemian family. Perhaps, in the 
course of his negotiations for hiring German troops, Schomberg had some 
dealings with MaximiUan's protdgd. 



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126 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

ment of the Cardinal d'Este is certain. Those who 
are also named are the Duke of Mayenne, the Bishop 
of Paris, Monsieur de Luxembourg, and some 
others ; but whether they will come with us or not, 
after all, is, to my mind, by no means certain. As to 
the ladies whom I mentioned in a former letter, no 
change has been made ; but some think that the 
Comtesse de Retz will be added to the number. 

Pibrac returned from Poland three days ago, after 
making his way through the Hanse towns and the 
Netherlands. 

The Comtesse d'Aremberg has been given notice 
of the time when the Queen is to start, 

Paris, November 9, 1575, 

The Queen Mother ha$ at last succeeded in conclud- 
ing a truce for six months on the terms of the King's 
surrendering to his brother (Alen^on) certain cities as 
a guarantee for his safety, viz., Bourges, Angoulesme, 
M6zieres, Niort, La Charit6, and Saumur. At the 
last two towns there are bridges over the Loire, so 
that Alen^on can march, when it pleases him, either 
into Burgundy or into Brittany ; Niort opens commu- 
nication for him with Rochelle, while Angoulesme 
connects him with the insurgent forces, artd is more- 
over strongly fortified, as also is Bourges, the chief 
town of Berry. But he has not obtained possession 
of more than two of these places, viz., Niort and 
Saumur, the other towns are up in arms and will not 
consent to the transfer, from a fear that the most 
frightful calamities are in store for them if Alen9on 
should become their master, especially in the event of 
the peace negotiations proving a failure. Accordingly, 
they are preparing to do battle, and are supposed to 



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GERMAN REITERS. 127 

have entered into alliance with other towns, Orleans 
to wit and Moulins. 

The Queen Mother is said to be thinking of visit- 
ing them in the hope that her presence will recall them 
to their obedience. Whether she will succeed or not 



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128 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

require, Cond6 will lead his party to the assistance of 
Casimir, If this report is correct, it is a matter de- 
serving serious consideration. In any case, the truce 
has been made after such a fashion as to render it quite 
plain that the King consented to it not of his own free 
will, but by compulsion. 

What would it have availed him to nurse his wrath, 
and make plans for some mighty undertaking, for the 
accomplishment of which his resources are totally in- 
adequate, when the only result would be to make his 
weakness plain and risk his crown ? Being utterly 
unprepared, the only other course open to him was to 
submit to whatever terms his adversaries thought fit to 
impose, and this latter alternative he chose. 



LETTER XXXIII. 



The Queen reached the town pf Dormans six days 
after her departure from Paris, and there she met the 
courier with your Majesty's despatches ; from which I 
learnt your Majesty's pleasure with regard to the ar- 
rangements connected with the Queen's journey, which 
I will do my utmost to carry out. With reference to 
your Majesty's desire that I should attend the Queen 
to Vienna, and act on the journey as her chief cham- 
berlain, I beg to offer my most humble thanks for the 
honour thus conferred. 

The Queen left Paris on the 5th of this month, 
amid the tears and regrets of the entire population.^ 

* This was no exaggeration, as the following extract from the Diary of 
a contemporary will show : ' Le lundi 5* ddcembre, la Roine veuf\re, 
madame Ysabel d'Austriche, partist de Paris, pour s'en retoumer k 
Vienne, ch^s son pere et sa m^re : et lui bailla le Roy messieurs de 
Luxembourg, comte de Rais, et IMvesqiie do Paris, pour Taccompagner ; 



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fmmmmcsamem 



ERIC AND DOROTHEA. 129 

Great sorrow was also shown by the upper classes, who 
are deeply attached to her. On the 19th she reached 
Nancy. Our journey was not unattended with danger, 
for parties of German reiters were scouring the 
country ; but our party was not molested in any way. 
The Duke of Lorraine, with his Court, came as far 
as the first milestone to meet her, and received her 
with every mark of honour. 

That same evening was celebrated the marriage of 
Eric, Duke of Brunswick, to Dorothea, sister of Lor- 
raine. The Queen was present at the ceremony, but 
did not appear at the banquet and other festivities. On 
the next day Count von Schwartzenberg came to the 
Queen with a small party of Austrian noblemen.^ 
Schwendi would have accompanied them if he had not 
been confined to his house by sickness ; however, he 
has written, promising to meet us on the road if his 
health permits. On the 22 nd, William, Duke of Ba- 
varia, and his wife, arrived. The Bishop of Strasburg 
has not yet come, and from his letter which Schwendi 
sent me I am inclined to think that he has been kept at 
home through fear of the German reiters and Swiss in- 
fantry, whose road to Nancy lies through his territory. 

Having heard nothing of Madame d'Aremberg's 
coming, on the day after our arrival the Queen decided 



qui la rendirent entre les mains des ddput^s par TEmpereur son p^re, 
pour la recevoir k Nanci en Lorraine. Elle fut fort aim^ et honorde par 
les Francois tant qu'elle demeura en France, nomm^ment par le peuple de 
Paris, lequel, plorant et g^missant k son depart, disoit qu'elle emportoit 
avec eile le bonheur de la France.'— />^ PEstoiley i. 95. 

Miss Freer {Henry ///., vol. ii. p. 40), says ' the Queen quitted Paris 
during the first week of August, 1575.' She was led into this error by the 
description given by Godefroy {Le Cdrdmonial FranqoiSy i. 927) of Eliza- 
beth's entrance into Orleans on August 21, and has confounded her 
journey to Amboise (see p. 96), with her return to Germany. 

* I.e., Hither Austria. The possessions of the House of Hapsburg in 
Swabia and Alsace. 

VOL. II. K 



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I30 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

to send a courier to her ; he found her at home, waiting 
for the Queen's summons. This misunderstanding was 
the result of an unlucky accident. Madame d'Arem- 
berg had written to the Queen at Paris asking for in- 
formation as to her plans and movements ; the Queen 
sent back the answer by Madame d'Aremberg's own 
messenger, who promised to deliver it to his mistress 
within three days. After all, the Queen's reply, in- 
forming Madame d' Aremberg of the date of her depar- 
ture from Paris, and telling her what she wanted her 
to do, was lost, and never reached its destination. This 
accident caused some delay in the arrival of Madame 
d'Aremberg, but the Queen's courier brought back a 
letter from her, informing her that she would be here 
to-morrow ; she will require one day's rest, so I 
think the Queen will fix on Friday, the 30th of this 
month, for her departure. The Master of the Order 
of St John has not come, and, as I understand, is not 
expected. The whole country side is kept in a state 
of alarm by wandering parties of horse and foot-soldiers. 
It was on this account that the Cardinal d'Este had to 
leave us in the middle of our journey and return to 
Paris ; he received a letter from the King informing 
him that he had discovered a plot to waylay him on the 
road. The Bishop of Paris has had a similar scare, 
and early last night he set off home post haste under 
the escort of a strong body of dragoons. Some others 
who are not safe in the neighbourhood of the (German) 
troops will be compelled to slip off as best they may. 
The rest, who have no special cause for fear, and are 
furnished with passports from Casimir, will leave Nancy 
openly. 

Three days ago Casimir sent one of the chief officers 
of his household, whose name, if I mistake not, is Diest 
von Sterckenburg, to congratulate the Queen on her ar- 



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CASIMIRS APOLOGIES, 131 

rival, and tender his services ; he was also instructed to 
offer some explanations and apologies for the course his 
master had taken, as your Majesty will learn at greater 
length from the Queen's own letter, for Casimir wished 
her to represent the case herself, in the hope that your 
Majesty would be induced to take a favourable view of 
his conduct 

As I write this letter, bands of reiters are to be 
seen from the ramparts marching past Nancy in the 
direction of St. Nicolas, on their way to the town 
of Luneville, The Queen will have to pass through 
both these places, but the troops will have moved on 
before our party starts, and the only inconvenience 
we shall suffer from their presence will be the rise 
they will cause in the price of provisions ; nor is even 
this slight disadvantage without its compensation, fof 
this movement will leave the road open for Madafhe 
d'Aremberg, which she could not hitherto have tra- 
versed without danger. As to the destination of these 
armaments, and what is to be the upshot of it all, it is 
not easy to say. The King indeed is treating for a 
truce, and Alengon does not seem unwilling to come 
to terms, but Cond6 and Casimir, while quite prepared 
to conclude a peace, will not hear of a truce ; they say 
that, jf they throw away this opportunity, it will not be 
in their power to reassemble their forces, so that they 
are in a very different position from the King, who can 
raise a fresh army whenever he pleases, and therefore 
finds his advantage in a truce. Casimir also demands 
a large sum in addition to the 500,000 francs already 
offered him by the King for the withdrawal of his 
army, in order to make up the arrears of piay due to 
his troops for their services in former campaigns when 
fighting for the insurgents. From this we may con- 
clude that nothing is yet settled. 

K 2 



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132 LETTERS FROM FRANCE, 

Pibrac, whose return from Poland I mentioned 
before, is wont to say, when talking privately, that the 
only advantage the Poles have gained from their 
friendship with France is to catch the diseases which 
are ruining the country — dissension and civil war. 

As to other matters, the Queen is in excellent 
health, and is supported under all the troubles and 
fatigue which such travelling involves, by one hope 
alone, to wit, the prospect of shortly being with your 
Majesties. 

The elder Duchess of Lorraine^ manifests the 
greatest pleasure at the Queen's arrival, and declares 
herself amply compensated by this honour, both for 
the devotion she has ever felt for your Majesty, and 
also for such services as it has lain in her power to 
render. She wished me to give this message to your 
Majesty. 

Nancy, December 27, 1575. 

Note by Busbecq. — The letter is missing which I 
wrote in the village of Markirch, informing his Majesty 
that our contract had been registered by the Parlia- 
ment of Paris. I also mentioned that , a small 

town in Lorraine of considerable wealth, had been taken 
and plundered by Condi's soldiers ; lastly I complained 
that the sums I had obtained from Monsieur de Vulcob 
had not been repaid to him. This letter was sent in a 
portmanteau together with a gold chain, which was 
a present from the King, and as far as I know I have 
not kept a copy of it. 

^ This is the lady who refused to marry Henry VI 1 1, because she 
had only one head ! See note p. 63. 



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■^ 



BAlE, SCHAFFBAUSEN, AUGSBURG, 133 



LETTER XXXIV. 

Yesterday the Queen arrived at Bdle, where we are 
now staying ; to-morrow she will leave it, and in four 



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134 LETTERS FROM FRANCE, 

able to keep the courier until they should have laid all 
the considerations before the elder Duke of Bavaria, 
and ascertained his views as to the relative advantages 
of the water route and that by land. In order to pre- 
vent delay, Duke William sent his own courier forward 
to Munich, that the whole question might be discussed 
and settled before the arrival of the Queen. Her 
Highness arrived at Munich January 29. Duke Fer- 
dinand with the Margrave of Baden met her at. a 
considerable distance from the city ; they were attended 
by a large force of cavalry, handsomely equipped, so 
that the Queen entered Munich in great state. The 
elder Duke's health was such as to prevent his going 
out of doors to receive the Queen ; he takes all the 
expenses of her Highness and her retinue on himself, 
and will not allow them to be at charges for anything ; 
such a liberal reception makes it incumbent on the 
Queen not to stay too long. The elder Duke, on 
being consulted as to the Queen's route, was in favour 
of the river, and said he would take boat himself if 
he wanted to go down to Vienna ; his opinion there- 
fore coincided with the Queen's. She was eager to 
leave on Friday, February 3, after a visit of four days, 
but as the Duke pressed her to stay six days she 
decided not to refuse his earnest request, and so Feb- 
ruary 6 was appointed for her departure. , It will 
take two days to get to Wasserburg, and then seven 
more to reach Vienna, so that, unless something un- 
foreseen should occur, I trust the Queen will reach 
Vienna on the afternoon of February 1 3. God grant 
that we may be prospered in our voyage, as we have 
been on the road ; hitherto, in spite of some changes 
and chances on the way, we have had a good journey, 
considering the time of the year. 

The Queen herself has enjoyed excellent health 



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MUNICH, 135 



throughout, save that on the day she stopped at Bdle 
she was troubled with violent sickness ; this, however, 
served to relieve her stomach, and she has since been 
perfectly well. William, Duke of Bavaria, and his 
wife treated her with the utmost kindness and con- 
sideration, so that she had no need of anyone else. 



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136 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

being the same date as that on which I wrote myself; 
this letter requires no reply, beyond stating that as 
soon as I received your Majesty's orders I lost no time 
in writing to the Governor of Upper Austria, inform- 
ing him of the date of our departure, and giving him 
the same route I sent to your Majesty, with a list of 
the places at which we intended stopping, and the 
dates on which we were to be expected. He will, 
therefore, now be in a position to make the necessary 
arrangements. I have no fresh news to give of the 
Queen, except that she is looking forward with great 
longing to the 6th of this month, when she will com- 
mence the last stage of her long journey and be hurry- 
ing onward to her father's arms. I asked her if she 
had any message for your Majesty. * Only my best 
and warmest love,' was her reply .^ 

Munich, February, 1575. 

^ The incidental touches, in which Busbecq makes us acquainted 
with the character of his mistress, require some Httle additions in order 
to place before the reader an adequate idea of this good and interesting 
lady. She was bom June 5, 1554, and was consequently a baby of a few 
months old when Busbecq started for the East. She was married to 
Charles IX. of France, Nov. 26, 1570, when she was but sixteen. In her 
new sphere she quickly won the respect and love of all who knew her. 
Two years after her marriage, and just before the birth of her daughter, 
came the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew. During that awful night she was 
quietly sleeping, unaware of the horrors that were passing around her. 
Next morning she heard the news, 'Hdas, dit-elle soudain, le Roy 
mon mary, le sgait-il ?— Guy, madame, repondit-on : c'est luy mesme 
qui le fait faire. — O mon Dieu I s'escria-t-elle, qu'est cecy ? et quels 
conseillers sont ceux-lk qui luy ont donnd tel advis ? Mon Dieu, je te 
supplie et te requiers de luy vouloir pardonner ; car, si tu n'en as 
piti^, j'ay grande peur que cette offense ne luy soit pas pardonn^e.' — 
BrantSme, v. 297. 

During her husband's last illness it was noticed that when she 
came to see him she did not take a seat by his pillow, but chose the 
position from which she could best gaze at the loved features ; she did not 
speak, no sound passed her lips, but ever and anon she raised her hand- 
kerchief to her face, and wiped away the silent tears ; even the hard- 
ened courtiers were touched by this picture of agony suppressed. After 



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HURRYING HOME. 137 



LETTER XXXVII. 

Your Majesty's letter, dated February 4, reached me 
at the Monastery of Ebersberg on the 7th, just as the 
Oueen was about to enter her carria^'e on her wav to 



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138 LETTERS FROM FRANCE, 

was that I assumed that he would obey your Majesty's 
commands, as he has always professed to do. But 
had it been otherwise, and had some alteration been 
made so as to deviate from your Majesty's instructions, 
I should have lost no time in communicating the fact 
Under present circumstances, no change having been 
made, I did not consider it necessary to write on the 
subject ; moreover, I believed the Duke had enclosed a 
letter to your Majesty in the packet which he gave 
me to forward to Vienna, containing, I did not doubt, 
some reference to his coming; lastly, I thought it 
probable that a marA^hal de logis would be sent on in 
front to inform your Majesty of the number and com- 
position of his household. After all I was mistaken. 

In accordance with your Majesty's instructions I 
have written to Gienger,^ the Lord- Lieutenant, giving 
him such information as I was able as to the dates of 
the Queen's route, the number of her attendants, &c., 
&c. I had had a letter from him, asking for this in- 
formation. So now, I think, everything has been 
settled. 

Wasserburg, February 8, 1576. 

^ Cosmo Gienge^, a distinguished soldier, who fought against the 
Tiu*ks. He was at this time vice-dominus of Austria. He died in 1592, 
aged ^^. 



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142 LETTERS FROM FRANCE, 

was not in the habit of asking or taking his advice ; 
besides, he was now causing more noise than harm ; 
nay, if there was any ground of complaint it affected 
rather himself and his subjects, who had for months 
been harassed and plundered by his brother s soldiers,^ 
while the farmers of the Netherlands were left un- 
scathed ; he would see what your Majesty wrote, and 
would send a reply. 

I refrained from answering at greater length, and 
in sharper language, out of regard to the Queen's 
interest, which does not allow of my lightly incurring 
the displeasure of the French court The King's 
reply will reach your Majesty at the same time as 
this letter. 

March 25, I582.« • . 



LETTER II. 



There is now no doubt of the Prince of Orange being 
alive and well ; but his wife ® has died of an attack of 
pleurisy. The Prince was at death's door through the 
bursting of the maxillary vein ; the loss of blood was 
very great, and there seemed no possibility of stopping 

* For the outrages committed by Alengon's troops in French territory 
see De PEstoile^ ii. 13-14. 

' Just six years have elapsed since Busbecq conducted his Royal mis- 
tress to Vienna. The reason suggested (vol. i. p. 67) may perhaps partly 
account for this gap in the correspondence. Meanwhile he had been 
engaged in watching the Queen's interests in France, and no doubt also 
in enforcing the admirable rule of which he was probably the suggester. 
The Queen had the right of appointing certain officers and judges in the 
towns and districts from which her revenues were derived. Such posts 
were commonly bought and sold, but Elizabeth gave strict directions that 
no such traffic should be allowed ^dth regard to the appointments of which 
she had the patronage. See ThuanuSy iii. 87. 

* Charlotte de Bourbon, Princess of Orange, died May 5, 1582. For 
this letter see Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part VI. ch. v. See 
also p. 66. , 



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^9m 



A DANGEROUS WOUND, 143 

it, so that his life was despaired of. For thirty-six 
hours he held the wound together, but fresh relays of 
attendants were needed from time to time to prop up 
his elbow with the hand, or otherwise he would have 
been unequal to the exertion. 

The Queen of England is said to have supplied 
Alen9on with a large sum of money, namely, 300,000 
crowns. It is also said that a bill has been laid before 
the States-General proposing, if they accept him as 
their Sovereign, to grant him one-fifth of their property 
towards the expenses of the war. If this be carried, 
it will produce a very considerable sum, sufficient to 
feed the war for a long time. The Prince of Parma 
is besieging Oudenarde and battering its walls with 
cannon ; but the garrison are said to have sent word 
to Alen9on that he need fear nothing on their account 
for the next two months. Meanwhile, by the capture 
of Alost, which is now in Alen9on's hands, a serious 
loss has been inflicted on the Prince of Parma, who 
derived many great advantages from the possession of 
the town. In it some gallant soldiers were slaughtered, 
who preferred a glorious death to the dishonour of sur- 
render. 

Fifteen hundred German troopers, hired by Alen9on, 
are reported to be not far from Cambrai, with more to 
follow. They are joined by many Frenchmen, apart 
from those who are already in the Netherlands, and 
they are numerous. Apparently it is Alen9on's purpose 
to make the Prince of Parma abandon the siege of 
Oudenarde by laying waste Hainault or Artois. 

I hear Alen9on has also sent emissaries into Italy 
to hire horsemen as big as the Albanians.^ 

May 30, 1582. 

* A great many Albanians (Epirotes) were serving in the Spanish 
cavahy, see Straday and also Motley, United Netherlands ^ ii. 47-5 1> and 
iii. 108, where a gigantic Albanian is mentioned. 



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144 LETTERS FROM FRANCE, 



LETTER III. 

Sharp fighting is going on. The Prince of Parma, 
after an unsuccessful assault on Oudenarde, kept up a 
roar of cannon throughout the following night, and bat- 
tered the walls without cessation, in order to prevent 
the townsmen repairing the breaches. This is the 
last news we have had, but people do not think the 
town will be easy to storm, now that Alen9on's rein- 
forcements are coming up ; they are scarcely two miles 
from Arras, and if they do no more than burn the ripe 
crops, it will be a crushing blow to that town, and also 
to others whose harvests will be destroyed. 

April 26, 1 582. 



LETTER IV. 



News has come that Oudenarde, after having been 
thrice unsuccessfully assaulted, has surrendered to the 
Prince of Parma on honourable terms. On the other 
hand, they say that Bouchain, a small but strongly for- 
tified town in Hainault, near Cambrai, has fallen into 
Alen9on s hands through the treachery of the com- 
mandant appointed by the Prince of Parma. 

Alen9on proclaims himself a great champion of 
the Catholics, and in many places has restored their 
churches to them. Hence some surmise that his reign 
in those parts will not be a long one, as no dependence 
can be placed in an alliance between parties of different 
religious opinions ; they think that the enemies of the 
Catholics wink at these acts of his, on account of the 
destruction which now threatens, but that, as soon as 
the danger shall have passed by, changes will imme- 



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A ROYAL PILGRIMAGE. 145 

diately follow. It will end, they say, in the Prince of 
Orange carrying off the lion's share of the spoil by 
securing to himself the undisturbed possession of Hol- 
land and Zealand. 

June 12, 1582. 



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146 LETTERS FROM FRANCE, 

Spain confirming the previous account, though differing 
slightly in some particulars. 

Among other details, we learn that Strozzi, and 
the man they call Don Antonio's Constable, were taken 
prisoners, but were so severely wounded that they died 
soon afterwards. The French declare that poison was 
poured into their wounds to hasten their death. Forty 
nobles were beheaded as pirates, because they were 
unable to show any commission from the King autho- 
rising the expedition ; for the same reason three hundred 
common soldiers were hanged. We hear also that the 
victory was won by the Lisbon fleet alone, the co- 
death of Henry in 1 580, he was quickly driven out of Portugal by Alva, and 
took refuge alternately in France and England, where he received coun- 
tenance and support from Henry III. and Elizabeth. The French expe- 
dition to the Azores is frequently mentioned in Busbecq's letters. The 
importance of these islands consisted in their affording a station for ships 
coming home either from America or India. We learn from a contem- 
porary historian (Histoire de Portugal^ 16 10), that Catherine de Medici 
had agreed with Antonio to accept Brazil in settlement of her claims on 
the Portuguese throne (see note, page 161), hence the interest which she 
took in this expedition, at the head of which she placed her gallant cousin 
Philip Strozzi, with de Brissac, son of the Mar^chal de Brissac, as his 
lieutenant. They were attacked off St. MichaePs by a greatly superior 
force of Spanish ships under Santa Cruz ; de Brissac cut his way through 
and escaped, Don Antonio qontrived to be absent, and Strozzi and Don 
Antonio's Constable, the Count of Vimioso, were wounded and captured. 
The latter, being a relation of Santa Cruz, was kindly treated, but died 
two days later of his wounds. Strozzi, according to some accounts, was 
treated with great barbarity ; at any rate he was thrown overboard by 
the orders of the Spanish Admiral. His gallant end, and the cruelty of 
his captors, excited a strong feeling in France, which found expression in 
epigrams, of which the following is a specimen. 

'Qui a I'or et Targent du ciel pour couverture 
Et du grand Oc^an le saphir pour tombeau, 
Embaum^ d'un renom et los illustre et beau, 
Marrannes, n'a besoin de vostre sepulture.' — De tEstoile^ ii. 79. 

An old historian speaks of these epigrams as ' tumbeaux cizelez de la 
plume,' and of this specimen as one to which none but a Spaniard could 
object. 



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THE FRENCH INVASION. 147 

operating squadron ^ not having come up in time to 
take part in the action. Report says that they owe 
this great success to the size of their vessels and the 
calibre of their guns.^ The French, burning for revenge, 
are so exasperated that I think it will be a long time 
before it will be safe for a Spaniard to show himself in 



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148 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

The Prince of Parma having drawn up his 
whole army before the gates of Ghent, there was 
some desultory fighting between light-armed troops on 
either side, who skirmished in front of their respective 
armies, while Alen9on looked on from the walls. On 
both sides men were slain, and the engagement ended 
without advantage^ to either party. Alen9on retired 
with his people to Antwerp. 

The garrison of Lier have commenced a kind of 
fortification at the monastery of St. Bernard, which 
will be a thorn in the side of the citizens of Antwerp 
if they succeed in finishing it. Probably Alen9on will 
employ all his strength to prevent its completion. 

PVom Scotland also we have news of disturbances, 
that the Regent^ has been put to death, d'Aubigny is 
besieged, and the young King himself deprived of his 
liberty, and that all this, has been done in the name of 
the Estates. This news is accompanied by sundry 
canards, viz. that the King of Spain has promised his 
second daughter to the young King on condition of 
his raising war against the Queen of England, and that 
this has given such deep offence to the Duke of Savoy 
that he is completely estranged from Philip, and alto- 
gether in the French interest, intending to marry the 
sister of Henry of Navarre. 

Your Imperial Majesty will see in the document I 
enclose evidence touching some plot against Alen9on 
and Orange. I can add nothing to the contents of 
the document, except that the Salceda^ who is men- 

* See Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part VI. chap. vi. Accord- 
ing to Motley, Parma received a severe check. Froude tells us that 
N orris and the English repulsed the Spanish forces after the States' 
troops had fled. History of England, chap. Ixvi. 

' The Earl of Morton, late Regent of Scotland, was executed on a 
charge of being an accomplice in the murder of Damley. His ruin was 
brought about by Comte d'Aubigny, then Earl and afterwards Duke of 
Lennox. See Froude, History of England, chap. Ixiii. 

^ See Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part VI. chap. vi. 



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ISO LETTERS FROM FRANCE, 

would find his way to Alen9on's camp. The King 
made him Governor of the French Netherlands, which 
they call Picardy, to protect his interests in that 
quarter, and take such precautions as occasion might 
require. He also issued instructions to the authorities 
on that part of the coast to place themselves under 
Biron's orders. 

Great things were expected of him when he set 
out, for he is considered the most experienced general 
in France, having, during his long career, passed 
through every grade and rank in the French army. 

One of Alen9on's corps has joined him in Brabant, 
the other and stronger corps is with Biron. To these 
must be added the whole of the royal cavalry, which, 
as I mentioned in a former letter, has been quartered 
on the frontiers under pretence of guarding them. He 
has,, nevertheless, asked for more horse, for, while he 
thinks himself quite a match for the Prince of Parma 
in infantry, he considers himself very inferior in cavalry. 
Accordingly, seven or eight squadrons of horse are 
under orders to join him. Meanwhile, he has gar- 
risoned Peronne and St. Quentin so strongly as to 
render them safe against any hostile attack. For the 
Prince of Parma has been threatening in plain terms 
that, if the French invade any part of his territories, he 
will immediately march against St. Quentin. This 
move of his, therefore, is now forestalled. Famine is 
what the Prince of Parma has most to dread, especially 
now that he has been cut off from the sea, and supplies 
are not allowed to cross the French frontier. 

There are many symptoms of the King's becoming 
more favourable to his brother s enterprise. Without 
any notice beforehand, certain commissioners were 
lately appointed to inspect the ledgers of business men 
generally, and specially those of the Italians, in order 



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152 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

Azores has had so little eflfect on the spirit of the 
French, that it is intended to fit out a new fleet much 
bigger than the last, and to place some Prince in com- 
mand of it. Ships accordingly have been selected, 
which they are beginning to equip, so as to have them 
ready against next spring. After all, the future is un- 
certain ; who can tell what may happen in the mean- 
time ? 

Montpensier/ father of the Prince Dauphin, has 
departed this life, at a good old age. I shall, therefore, 
for the future call his son Montpensier, when I have 
occasion to mention him ; for, in spite of his father's 
death, he is carrying out his intention of proceeding to 
the Netherlands. 

The man Salceda,*^ whom I mentioned in former 

* See note 2, page 9. 

* The case of Salceda was one which greatly exercised the mind of 
de Thou, the historian, who ascribes the death of his father Christopher 
de Thou to vexation at finding his advice neglected when the ruffian was 
brought to trial. Salceda had been condemned to death by the Parlia- 
ment of Rouen, for forging money. The Guises, who had need of his 
services, obtained his pardon, or to speak more correctly perhaps, a sus- 
pension of his sentence, for his pardon was not registered by the Parlia- 
ment of Rouen, though granted by the King. His mission, according to 
Motley, was to poison Alengon and Orange, but according to Salceda's 
own confession he was to join Alengon with some troops, gain his confi- 
dence, and get himself appointed to the command of Dunkirk or some 
other strong place, which he was to betray to the Guises. These last 
were then to rise and compel the King to place them at the head of his 
army which they intended to lead against Alengon and Orange. On 
being arrested Salceda made various confessions implicating the Guises 
and other leading men in France. Christopher de Thou, President of 
the Parliament of Paris, one of those before whom he was tried, was con- 
vinced that there was a great deal of truth in Salceda^s statements, and 
was most anxious that his life should be spared with a view to bringing 
others to justice, but too many great people were interested in stopping 
the mouth of their unfortunate tool, and he was therefore executed. It is 
probable that the story of an attempt to poison Alengon and Orange 
was a mere veil to cover the grounds on which he was executed. The 
fact that a distinguished Netherlander, Lamoral Egmont, cousin of the 
French Queen, and son of the famous general, was concerned in Salceda's 



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SALCEDA'S EXECUTION. 153 

despatches, has paid a heavy penalty for his crime ; 
what that crime was I do not know, but it must needs 
have been monstrous to deserve so dreadful a doom. 
Only one instance of such a punishment is found in 
the whole history of Rome, viz. when Hostilius inflicted 
It on Fuffetius. Whether he consoired ae-ainst the life 



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154 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 



out The rest of his body was pulled asunder by the 
horses. His head was sent to Antwerp, with orders 
to have it stuck on the highest pinnacle in the city. 
Such was the end of a wretch monstrous alike in his 
wickedness, and in his audacity. 

Here is a specimen. He purchased an estate, and 
paid for it in bad money which he himself had coined. 
The vendor discovered the fraud, brought an action 
for treason against Salceda, and so recovered his house 
^nd land. Salceda saved himself by flight from the 
customary punishment, otherwise he would have been 
put to death with boiling oil, but nevertheless Irc took 
means to have fire set to the aforesaid house at night, 
and the owner was within an ace of perishing with the 
building. When the King, who sometimes visited his 
place of confinement, upbraided him for his cruelty in 
trying to destroy by such a fearful death the man 
whom he had already cheated. * Well,* quoth Salceda, 
* when he wanted to have me boiled^ was it unreason- 
able that I should try to have him roasted ? ' What a 
fund of wit the scoundrel must have had, when even at 
such a time he must crack his jokes ! 

I am afraid that Count Egmont's brother is 
seriously compromised by Salceda's evidence.^ 

October i, 1582. 



LETTER IX. 



BiRON has halted on the banks of the Somme, and 
intrenched himself. Some think that he will remain 
there for a time to observe the development of the 
Prince of Parma s plans, and watch the result; for 

* See note 2, p. 1 52. 



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SALCEDAS HEAD, 155 

they say that the daily losses of the Spanish army from 
famine and pestilence are very heavy. 

The Netherland letter carrier, who, as I mentioned, 



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156 LETTEES FEOM FEANCE. 

The King is again on a tour, having undertaken 
a pilgrimage ^ to the Blessed Virgin, Our Lady of Joy 
(they call her Nostre Dame de Liesse), in the part 
of Champagne adjoining Picardy, in the hope, we may 
suppose, of gaining y^^ by the birth of a child. 

They say the King has commissioned the Bretons 
to build fifty galleys. There are also other signs of a 
fleet being in prospect. 

November 25, 1582. 



LETTER X. 



They say that the King has ordered 50,000 gold 
pieces to be paid monthly towards Alen9on's expenses, 
and that over and above this regular payment extra 
money is to be sent from time to time. 

No one now has the slightest doubt as to the fact 
that Montpensier and Biron have joined Alen9on, 
making their way along the sea coast north of Bi-uges. 
People think that Alen9on will take them both into 
his service, the former as chief Minister, and the latter 
as Commander-in-chief, and that the Prince himself will 
cross over into England, and, after having concerted 

Busbecq must have felt some little grudge against this gallant soldier, 
for three years before, 1 579, he had stormed Comines and established 
himself in the castle of the Halluins. Bousbecque was also occupied by 
his troops. See Dalle, Histoire de Bousbecque^ p. 247. 

* The following is an account of one of the royal pilgrimages: * L*onzi- 
esme jour d'avril, qui estoit le lendemain de Pasques, le Roy avec la Roine 
son espouse partirent de Paris k pied et all^rent k Chartres,et de Chartres k 
Cleri, faire leurs pri^res et offrandes k la Belle Dame r^v^r^e solemnelle- 
ment hs ^glises desdits lieux, k ce que, par son intercession, il pleust k 
Dieu leur donner la masle lign^e que tant ils d^siroient D'ou ils furent 
de retour k Paris, le 24® dudit mois, tous deux bien las et aians les plantes 
des pieds bien ampoull^s d'avoir fait tant de chemin k pied.' — De 
VEstoile, ii. 121. 



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BlROJSrS ARMY. 157 



his plans with the Queen, will return to France for an 
interview with his brother. 

To the great content of his people the King is said 
to be calling to account more vigorously than ever 
those who are suspected of making away with Church 



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158 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

quets, given sometimes by the King, sometimes by the 
city of Paris, or by the Guises and other Princes of the 
Court. When these are terminated, and each of the 
ambassadors has been presented with a weighty chain 
of gold, they will be allowed to depart 

There is a report that the King and the Duke of 
Lorraine will arrive here at the same time. 

Some Frenchmen have lately returned from the 
Azores, and report their position there to be perfectly 
safe ; they say there is no want of anything except 
clothing, supplies of which are now being forwarded 
as fast as possible. It appears, after Strozzi's defeat, 
a large proportion of the French ships and men re- 
treated to the islands. Meanwhile rumours as to the 
new expedition are as rife as ever. 

I must now say a word of what is going on in 
France ; the King has despatched distinguished men ^ 
of high position into all the provinces of the realm, 
under pretence of correcting any errors and abuses in 
the administration, and of hearing all complaints ; but 
the real object he has in view is to lay on the people a 
new and heavy tax. The experiment does not appear 
to be over successful ; as to what will be the issue I 
could not venture to speak positively, for what the 
King has so often wished for he has not obtained ! ^ 

December 15, 1582. 



LETTER XI. 



It is hardly worth telling, but still your Majesty may 
like to hear of a scene which took place at Antwerp. 



1 See Letter XXVII. and note. 
"^ I.e., a son and heir. 



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ST. LUC AND ORANGE. 159 

St. Luc was in Alen9on's chamber.^ (If I remember 
rightly I told your Majesty in a previous letter that, 
when he fell under the King's displeasure, he joined 
Alen9on's party.) Some noble or other said something 
in his presence that annoyed him, and which he con- 
sidered to be a oersonal insult. 



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i6o LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

would not have put up with it, but would have punished 
the offender most severely, whatever his rank or posi- 
tion might be. He told him that the chambers of 
Princes ought to be inviolable and sacred ground, in 
which brawling was not permissible. 

On this St. Luc rejoined — I give you almost his 
very words — ' Marry, is it Charles that you quote to 
me ? Why, if he were still alive, you would ere this 
have lost your estates and your head/ With these 
words he flung out of the chamber, leaving all the 
company dumbfoundered at his outrageous conduct. 

December i8, 1582. 



LETTER XII. 

The Swiss Ambassadors have left Paris, after receiving 
each a chain worth 500 gold pieces.^ There were 
twenty -six to whom this honour was paid. Moreover, 
the chiefs of the embassy were loaded with special 
presents of plate, furniture, &c. I append to my letter 
a copy of the speech in which the King bade them fare- 
well. I was unable to learn the terms on which the 
treaty was renewed, although I tried my best. It 
would seem that our friends do not wish them to be 
published. By these arrangements with the Swiss the 
King has secured a supply of infantry. Of cavalry he 
thinks he has abundance in his own realm. The 
financial question has yet to be solved ; his scheme for 
coining '^ money I described in one of my last letters ; 
and, though the plan has not hitherto met with much 

* Busbecq too received a gold chain from the King, which he after- 
wards lost. See p. 132. 

* See p. 158. The phrase * coining money ' is a joke. 



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DON ANTONiaS RETURN, i6i 

success, the provinces turning a deaf ear to requests of 
this kind, nevertheless, such efforts are still being 
made, that I should not like to pledge myself posi- 
tively as to what will be the result. 

Don Antonio has come back to France with a few 
shios : the reason of his return I have not discovered : 



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1 62 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

Medici) to the kingdom of Portugal are set forth at 
great length. 

When the Prince of Orange was dangerously ill of the 
fever, from which, by the way, he is now reported to be 
convalescent, prayers for his recovery were offered 
up, not only throughout the Netherlands, but also in 
France, by the churches of the Reformed religion, as 
they call themselves. The Prince of Parma has re- 
ceived the surrender of Diest and several other obscure 
places. These successes will seriously endanger Brus- 
sels, unless the state of affairs should be changed by 
the arrival of the troops under Biron, who is a redoubt- 
able antagonist ; it is said that he is going into the 
Campine^ to attack certain places, the loss of which 
will derange Parma's plans. Alen9on has prevailed 
upon the citizens of Antwerp ^ to have lodgings in the 
city assigned to three hundred French noblemen. 

They say that news has come of the death of the 
Duke of Alva in Spain. The garrison at Cateau 
Cambresis, being strong in cavalry, causes great an- 
noyance to the French at Cambrai, and is for ever 
scouring the surrounding district. The insolence of 
the French soldiers at Dunkirk provoked the citizens 
to rise against the garrison ; the attempt was put down 
with great slaughter. Everyone here is talking of the 
troubles at Cologne ; ^ after all this smoke, as I may 
call it, we must expect a fire. 

sions to the Crown of Portugal were an important factor in the politics of 
the time. See Histoire de Portugal^ 1610, and Motley, United Nether- 
landsy i. 101-105. 

* ' The largest unbroken plain in Belgium is called Campine, and com- 
prises the north-east portion of Antwerp, and north-^est of Limburg.' 
Mac CuUqch, Geographical Dictionary, 

« One of the steps iii Alen^on's scheme for the seizure of Antwerp 
not noticed by Motley. 

' These troubles were occasioned by Gebhard Truchsess von Wald- 
burg, Archbishop of Cologne, having fallen in love witji Agnes Ma^sfpl4j 



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TOO MUCH RAIN. 163 

The Duke of Lorraine has arrived here with his 
two sons ; why he came I cannot tell, but it is com- 
monly supposed that his object is to betroth his daugh- 
ter to the Duke of Savoy, and to demand the hand of 
the King of Navarre's sister for his eldest son. 



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i64 LETTERS FROM FRANCE, 

voyage to England or Zealand ; in fact, the whole 
coast line of Aquitaine is said to be piled up with 
planks, masts, spars, rudders, and other fragments of 
wreck, which the tempest has washed ashore ; so that, 
if nothing else should betide, the astrologers had good 
reason for prophesying a powerful combination of the 
starry influences and a year of terror to mankind. 

January 19, 1583. 



LETTER XIV. 



News has arrived from Brabant by way of England, 
which has thrown the Queen (Catherine de Medici) 
and the whole nation into the greatest alarm. The 
account is vague, but the purport of the tidings is to 
the effect that a quarrel arose at Antwerp,^ between 
the French and the citizens, and that the French force 
was annihilated. 

The anxiety was greatly increased by the silence 
of Alen9on ; and, when no despatches arrived from 
him, serious doubts were entertained as to his safety. 
In this uncertainty several days passed by ; at length 
messengers came pouring in, who told us the parti- 
culars of the affair, but still their accounts were defec- 
tive in several important points, and differed in details. 

I will relate what I made out as the nearest 
approximation to the truth : the points which I do not 
yet know about, I will fill in afterwards, and also 
correct any mistakes I may have made. I think I 
wrote to your Imperial Majesty that Alen9on intended 
to travel to France, by way qf England, for the 
purpose of visiting the King, and, as we may well 

» See Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part VI. ch. vi. 



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THE FRENCH FURY AT ANTWERP. 165 

suppose^ of discussing with him the affairs and general 
condition of the Netherlands, and that his intention 
was to leave Montpensier and Biron as his lieutenants 
during his absence. But when Alen9on applied to 
Biron to undertake this duty, the marshal was un- 
winina* to accent the command, on the crround that he 



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i66 LETTERS FROM FRANCE, 

9on was the last to yield to the united wishes of his 
followers. 

On the next day he went out to the camp, but 
as he passed the gate several of his body-guard, 
desperate fellows who had been selected for this 
service, halted on the bridge leading across the 
moat Into the open country, instead of following the 
Prince. The citizens, who were guarding the bridge 
and the gate, warned the Frenchmen to clear the 
bridge, either by following their lord, or by returning 
into the city. The men listened with apparent defer- 
ence to what was said, but none the less remained on 
the bridge ; then the language of the men of Antwerp 
grew rougher, and the French retorted in words every 
whit as bold ; so from words they came to blows ; the 
French, who were all musketeers and came prepared 
for action, easily wounded, killed, or drove away the 
townsmen, and so took possession of the bridge and 
gate. They were joined by others, both horse and foot, 
who had left Alen9on*s escort and had halted in the 
neighbourhood for that purpose ; they formed a column, 
and in one compact mass burst into the town. The 
uproar alarmed the citizens stationed on the walls ; 
from both sides of the gate they hurried to the fray, 
and climbing down into the road began to fight with 
the party who had been left to guard the entrance ; the 
contest ended in the victory of the townsmen, who 
succeeded in beating their opponents and shutting the 
gate. They say that presently Alen^on rode back and 
demanded admission, but the cannon's mouth was the 
only mouth that answered ! 

Meantime, the French spread themselves through 
the city ; on every side they could see the townsmen 
flocking to the fray, but there was no quailing or fear, 
for they felt certain that their superior skill would 



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NEWS FROM ANTWERP. 167 

ensure their victory over a set of untrained civilians. 
Some made for the citadel, others, without any thought 
for that which was the real object of the enterprise, 
began plundering private houses ; but it was not long 
before their ranks were broken by the charge of the 



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i68 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

part in the conspiracy, were sent back to their master 
by the men of Antwerp. However, Alen9on's first 
object was to cross the Scheldt before any attempt 
should be made to obstruct the passage ; so all night 
the Swiss were hard at work building a bridge. As 
soon as it was finished, he crossed from Brabant into 
Flanders, and came to Dendermonde, where he is 
supposed to be still lying. The question now is, what 
is he to do? Ought he to lead his forces back to 
France, and abandon all interest in the Netherlands "i 
Or again, ought he to make up his quarrel with the 
people of Antwerp ? Now that there is an end of all 
confidence between them, I fail to see how this latter 
alternative is possible ; but the French are wonderful 
fellows when they set their minds on a thing! 

These details, which I have picked out of several 
different versions, I have thought it my duty to place 
before your Majesty. Time will give us further par- 
ticulars, and accounts on which we can belter rely. 

Your Majesty and the Archduke^ Ernest are sup- 
posed to have played a part in this drama. This 
notion was very rife when the news first came, and no 
particulars had as yet transpired. Some people about 
the Court, who fancied themselves to be wondrous 
wise, would have it that the eldest daughter of the 
King of Spain was betrothed to your Majesty, and 
the younger to the Archduke Ernest, with all the 
provinces of the Netherlands as her dowry, and that it 
was, therefore, of prime importance to your Majesty 
and the Archduke that the French in Antwerp should 
be cut to pieces, and Alen9on driven from the city; 

* It seems probable that Busbecq's diplomacy was directed towards 
securing the governorship of the Netherlands to a member of the Aus- 
trian house. Hence his dislike of French interference. (Letters I. and 
X.) Ernest did ultimately become Governor of the Netherlands in 1594. 



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THE PRINCE OF ORANGE. i6^ 

that on this account there had been secret negotiations 
with the townsmen, who had been promised an am- 
nesty for all past offences, on condition of their 
exterminating the French ; and further, that your 
''Majesty and the Archduke had secured the concur- 
rence and assistance of the Prince of Orange ; for they 



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I70 LETTERS FROM FRANCE 



LETTER XV. 

I FELT confident, when I despatched my last letter 
to your Majesty, that it would not be long before I 
should have further news of a more trustworthy de- 
scription from Antwerp. After all, I am disappointed ; 
though several days have elapsed, there has been no 
fresh arrival from the Netherlands of anyone able, or at 
any rate willing, to tell us the truth of what happened. 
The few who have come were all sent by Alen9on 
to the King, to repeat a set story which was put into 
their mouths, and hide the blackness of Alen9on's case 
under a cloud of specious words. There is no letter- 
carrier or merchant from Antwerp ; indeed, the wardens 
of the marches put a complete stop to the travelling of 
Frenchmen to Antwerp, and of Antwerp people to 
France. Of late, however, the restrictions have been 
removed, and the merchandise, on which an embargo 
had been laid, having been released by both sides, the 
old rules, regulating the commercial intercourse be- 
tween the two countries, are once more in force. But, 
in spite of this change, scarce anyone will run the risk 
of so hazardous a journey. One letter-carrier, it is 
true, has come by way of England, but he has brought 
no fresh tidings, except that the number of slain and 
captured is greater than was at first reported ; in other 
respects his news differs little from the account given 
in my last letter. 

Alen9on's friends, and those who are anxious to 
save his reputation, say that, though he is a mild and 
gracious Prince, yet, being no longer able to stomach 
the pretensions of the Prince of Orange and the inde- 
pendent ways of the men of Antwerp, so distasteful to 
a Frenchman, he endeavoured to take possession of 



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VARIOUS ACCOUNTS, 171 

the city, as the best means of freeing himself from his 
intolerable position, not having any idea that the en- 
terprise would be either difficult or attended with much 
loss of life ; but expecting that, after a few citizens had 
been killed at the first entiy of the troops, the re- 
mainder would be so terrified as to abandon all thought 
of defence, and, laying down their arms, would submit 
to any conditions he might think fit to impose, provided 
that their lives were spared, so that he would have 
an excellent opportunity of binding down the city of 
Antwerp to his own terms. But he was utterly mis- 
taken in his calculations, for he did not find the hearts 
of the citizens so tame, or their arms so weak, as 
Frenchmen would have them to be. 

Some people put a totally different construction on 
the whole affair ; but this is Alen9on's explanation. 
As to what really took place, it seems needless to write 
more, for your Majesty is no doubt in possession of all 
the facts, since there has been far freer communication 
with Germany than with France. In case, however, 
anything should be lacking, I enclose three documents. 
(1) The statement of the citizens of Antwerp, pub- 
lished in their own language. (2) A paper which is 
attributed to Bodin,^ author of the treatise De la Rd- 
pnblique, published a few years ago. The letter is 
written in French. (3) A paper which is the produc- 
tion of some unknown person, but it is plain that he is 
a Frenchman, and his account is evidently untrust- 
worthy. 

Mirambeau, the brother of Lausac, was first de- 

* Jean Bodin was Alengon's chancellor, and acted as his adviser 
during the Prince's stay in England and the Netherlands. After 
Alen^on's deaih he settled down at Laon where he used his influence in 
favour of the League; after a time he changed his views, and induced the 
citizens to declare in favour of Henry IV. He was the author of a trea- 
tise 0)1 the Republic in six books, and other works. 



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172 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

spatched to Alen^on by the King, and later on BelHevre. 
The issue is still uncertain. Some think Alen^on and 
the States will come to terms, while others are positive 
they will not. As to my own opinion, I have deter- 
mined to reserve my judgment till time shall bring 
more certain news. 

In the meanwhile several of the King's commis- 
sioners, who were sent round to collect money, have 
returned. They report that nothing is to be obtained 
without the risk of an insurrection, and that all reply 
that if the King is straitened in any way, they know 
their duty : but in their opinion, his only object in ask- 
ing for money is to lavish it on his young favourites ; 
they consider such grants unreasonable, and will have 
nothing to say to them. 

I am not surprised, for a gentleman in the royal 
treasury, on whose word I can rely, told me that since 
his return from Poland the King has squandered six 
. million crowns in presents and other useless expenses* 
The King having been disappointed of these supplies, 
people think he will deprive the Queens Dowager of a 
large part of their property, to satisfy the claims of his 
young favourites. Your Imperial Majesty's sister will 
be one of the sufferers, as, in violation of the marriage 
treaty, she has long ago been placed on the same foot- 
ing as the other Queens Dowager.^ 

We have in France, as Governor of Brittany, a 
brother of the Queen Consort, son of Vaudemont ; his 
title is the Duke of Mercoeur.^ News was brought 
during his absenqe from home that he had died of the 
plague. Two men immediately asked for his post, 
Nevers* and the Duke of Epernon, who stands well 

' Catherine de Medici and Mary Queen of Scots ; the latter, beforo' 
her execution, disposed of money due to her from the King of France** 
See Froude, History of England, chap. Ixix. 

* See Letter XLIX, note. « See note, p. 82. 



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EXORBITANT DEMANDS, 173 

nigh first among the King*s favourites. Nevers' appli- 
cation was refused, and the other appointed Governor 
of Brittany, conditionally on the office being vacant. 

Though the appointment came to nothing, since 
news shortly arrived of the Duke of Mercoeur's re- 
covery, yet Nevers was so indignant that he then and 
there gave orders to his retainers to prepare to leave 
the Court, and two days later retired home, after first 
upbraiding the King for his ingratitude. 

The King's conduct in this matter is being un- 
favourably criticised by many, and especially by the 
aristocracy. 

March 20, 1583. 



LETTER XVI. 



We have still no news from Antwerp of Alen^on. 
Most people agree with Mirambeau in thinking that 
•^here is little hope of a friendly arrangement, the de- 
mands of the States being exorbitant ; they ask for the 
restoration of Dunkirk and Cambrai, and henceforth 
refuse to permit any one, who is not a Netherlander 
born, to hold place in the suite or service of Alen^on. 

The King is moving infantry and cavalry to the 
frontier, so as to have them ready should need arise. I 
doubt whether even with this help Alen^on's journey 
is likely to be very rapid, as the district through which 
his road lies is deep in mud at this season. 

Meantime the men of Antwerp are said to be ex- 
acting money from their prisoners, and demanding 
ransom for having spared their lives. Whether it be 
so or not, the breach between them and Alen^on seems 
to be complete, so that they will hardly readmit him 
into the town. 



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174 LETTERS FROM FRANCE, 

Belli^vre stops behind with the hopeless task of 
trying to arrange matters ; there is an idea that, by his 
oratorical powers and diplomatic skill, the wrath of the 
Netherlanders may be appeased, and the way paved 
to an agreement. But it is with the men of Antwerp 
as it was with Alen^on ; success was too much for 
his ill-regulated mind, and has proved his ruin ; even 
so some great disaster will overtake the citizens, if 
they wax thus presumptuous on the strength of this 
unexpected victory. 

April I2j 1583. 



LETTER XVII. 



This very day it is still uncertain as to what will be 
the issue of the affair at Antwerp. Though there 
are the plainest signs of the deepest exasperation 
on both sides, there are some who think an arrange- 
ment possible ; they admit that no real peace or friend- 
ship can hereafter exist, now that confidence has 
received so rude a shock, with the Netherlanders es- 
tranged from Alen9on by the recollection of his dis- 
honourable conduct, and Alen9on burning to avenge the 
heavy punishment he has received ; but still hold that 
it is to the interest of both parties that some sort of 
reconciliation should be patched up, and the former 
alliance be preserved, or at least the appearance of it. 
To what other quarter, they ask, can the Netherlanders 
look for assistance against the powerful foes who sur- 
round them, or what other help have they than their 
French allies ? Or again, what could be more disastrous 
to Alencon's reputation, than thus to withdraw from 
Brabant with the disgrace of having lost by his folly 
the provinces which had so unexpectedly fallen into his 



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PROSPECTIVE ARRANGEMENTS, 175 

hands, and to have his shame blazed abroad through- 
out the world, which is watching the result of his 
enterprise ? When a man has damaged his reputation, 
oftentimes, if he is only patient, an opportunity will 
come, which will enable him to restore it. But if, in 
spite of these considerations, Alen9on must leave the 
Netherlands at an early date, still, if an interval is 
allowed to elapse, he will be able to avail himself of 
those numerous excuses for departure which may 
arise, — or, at the worst, can be invented, — ^and thus 
diminish materially the disgrace of his failure. Ac- 
cordingly they hold an arrangement to be possible on 
the basis of a general amnesty. But this appears to 
me to be easier said than done ! Brussels, according 
to their programme, is to be assigned to Alen9on as ^ 
residence, and there also the Estates of the Netherlands 
are to meet ; a few towns in the neighbourhood are; 
likewise to be given him, that he may feel more secure. 
Brussels to be guarded by 1,500 Swiss and 500 French 
troops. Orange to be appointed Alen9on's Lieutenant, 
or Imperial Vicar. The prisoners at Antwerp to be 
discharged conditionally on remuneration being given 
to their hosts who rescued them from the violence of 
the people. In all other matters the late treaty to 
stand good. 

In this arrangement the case of Fervaques is the 
chief difficulty. The citizens of Antwerp hold him to 
be the instigator and ringleader of this atrocious plot, 
and demand his execution. 

Biron, by the way, has written a letter to the Queen 
Mother, in which he completely clears himself of all 
blame. He says he came too late to take any part in 
the discussion, the matter was already decided, and 
his share in the business consisted simply in yielding 
to Alen^on's wishes and executing his pleasure. 



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176 LETTERS FROM FRANCE, 

Some talk of a reconciliation on the terms which I 
have given ; but what will happen it is impossible to 
say. It is well known that the other day, when Orange 
went into the town hall of Antwerp to make a speech 
in favour of reconciliation, a mob assembled in the 
market place, shouting and threatening to throw any- 
one out of the window who ventured to propose the 
readmission of the French. Orange, they say, was 
so alarmed by this demonstration that he spent the 
night in the town-hall. Though a considerable space 
of time has elapsed, scarce a singly Antwerp man has 
crossed the French frontier, although the road is open, 
and this, to my mind, is the surest proof that the pros- 
pects of a reconciliation are dubious ; so long as there 
is a doubt as to the renewal of the alliance and arrange- 
ment of terms, none of them care to risk their lives by 
entering France. 

So much for this subject. 

Men, on whose authority I can rely, tell me that 
the King is pressing the Duke of Lorraine to betroth 
his daughter, who is now grown up and a great heiress, 
to the Duke of Epemon, but that Lorraine, who loathes 
the idea of such a misalliancey is doing his utmost to 
avoid giving his consent to so unsuitable a match, 
taking refuge in a proposition that, if the King will 
bring about a marriage between his son, the Prince of 
Lorraine, and the sister of the King of Navarre, he in 
return will gladly comply with his request. This last 
is a young lady who, if her brother, as is not unlikely, 
should die childless, has very great prospects indeed. 
For the King of Navarre's wife has not yet presented 
him with a child, and she is young enough to make it 
probable that she will be the survivor. The family 
feuds, however, which have been handed down from 
father to son, between the Bourbons and the Guises 



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THE ROYAL FAVOURITES, 177 

and House of Lorraine, render Navarre s consent to 
the match highly improbable. The Duke of Lorraine 
sees clearly that Navarre inherited these feuds when 
he inherited the Crown, so he protects himself behind 
this entrenchment ; whether it will be strong enough 
for his purposes time will show. 

I must now give a description of Epernon. By the 
King's favour he has been created duke ; five, years 
ago, before he became intimate with the King, he was 
a poor unknown man, who passed by the name of 
La Valette ; at the outside his income did not exceed 
400 crowns ; his father was a gallant soldier, but his 
grandfather was a scrivener or notary. Now this 
upstart is a duke, and, what is more, a wealthy duke, 
for he can always dip his fingers into the royal trea- 
sury. But his present position is nothing to what he 
has in prospect ; he aspires to one of the great dignities 
of the realm, and a governorship of the first rank, 
such as that of Brittany, touching which I wrote the 
other day. If, in addition to this promotion, he should 
obtain a wife so nearly connected with the King that no 
other Frenchman, however high his rank, would venture 
to aspire to her hand, he will be one of the most 
marvellously successful men that ever lived ; and yet 
neither in birth nor deserts has he aught to boast of ; 
in the King's opinion no doubt he is a man of great 
promise, but no one else thinks so ; whether it be envy, 
or his own fault, that causes him to be thus esteemed, 
I cannot say, but almost every one detests him on 
account of his exclusive and supercilious manners, and 
there is no one so hated by the Princes of France. 

His colleague, if I may so term him, who, how- 
ever, takes precedence of him, is the Duke (for- 
merly Count) of Joyeuse, husband of the Queen's 

VOL. II. N 



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178 LETTERS FROM FRANCE, 

sister ; this last, however, has the advantages given by 
ancient and illustrious descent, amiable disposition, 
and natural talent ; the other day he was made Ad- 
miral of France, now he has been appointed Governor 
of the whole of Normandy ; in order to give him this 
command, three noblemen of the highest rank, who 
shared the province amongst them, had to be turned 
out. These two young fellows are the men in whose 
friendship the King considers himself blessed, and 
envies not the success of Alexander the Great ! This 
infatuation of the King's awakes the indignation and 
despair of France. The men who formerly held the 
highest positions next to the throne fly from the 
Court to avoid the painful sight ; the rest are dumb- 
foundered at the King's caprices. 

This is the reason the King is always in difficulties, 
always poor, never able to reward or honour a good 
servant ; his wealth is being piled on these young 
fellows, and they are being fashioned out of nothing 
into pillars of the State, so that they may occupy the 
greatest places in France. Amongst those who are 
greatly offended is Alen9on ; he is intensely indignant 
at being assisted with so niggardly a hand in an enter- 
prise which he considers of the first importance, and 
complains that the King thinks more of his favourites 
than of his brother.^ 

As I shall often have occasion to allude to these 
gentlemen, I have described them at some length, so 
that, when they are referred to, your Majesty may have 
some idea of them. 

Don Antonio is still at Rouen and Dieppe, busily 
engaged in the equipment of his fleet, or fleetlet, if I 
may so term it, for it falls far short of what was talked 

» See De PEstoile, ii. 29. 



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COLIGNY'S DAUGHTER, 



179 



of, and will carry scarce 500 soldiers to reinforce his 
troops in the Azores. 

Great supplies will be collected of such things as 
are needed in those localities. 



May 2, 1583. 



LETTER XVIII. 



Messengers have lately come from Alen9on with the 
news that the negotiations for a reconciliation promise 
well ; in confirmation of this, they produced the terms 
of an arrangement, which I now enclose. Alen9on 
refuses Brussels and prefers Dunkirk ^ as his per- 
manent residence. When he gets there, people think 
he will cross over to France, press his grievances upon 
the King, and ask him why he is more anxious for 
the aggrandisement of certain young fellows than for 
the prosecution of a most important enterprise. 

Orange has invited from France Teligny s widow, 
daughter of Coligny, some time Admiral of France, 
with the view of making her his wife ; he is also giving 
the hand of his daughter, the Comte de Buren's grand- 
child,^ to Laval, son of d'Andelot, brother of the afore- 
said Coligny ; they say that Laval will be Governor of 
Antwerp. 

The King is instituting a new order of Flagellants, 
or Penitents.^ It* is talked of everywhere in Paris, 

* We see from this notice of Busbecq's that Alengon intended 
making Dunkirk the seat of his Government. It is not referred to by 
Motley, but Ranke regards it as a most important piece of information. 
See Civil Wars and Monarchy in France^ chap. xx. 

' Daughter of William by his first marriage. Her brother Philip 
William had been carried off into Spain by Philip II.'s orders. She 
eventually married Count Hohenlo. 

• This order was called the Penitents of the Annunciation, because it 
was first instituted at that festival. The members of the fraternity used 
on certain occasions to go in procession from church to church, walking 

N 2 



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i8o LETTERS FROM FRANCE, 

and all the more because lately when a celebrated 
preacher,^ though a most orthodox Catholic, attacked 
the order from the pulpit in a sermon full of sarcasm, 
the King ordered him to leave the city. 

Touching the Flagellants there is a merry story to 
be told. The footmen of the nobles, of whom we 
have crowds at Paris, out of sheer wantonness, were 
mimicking in the palace itself certain rites of the 
brotherhood ; ^ the King ordered some eighty of them 
to be carried off into the kitchen, and there flogged to 
their hearts' content, so their representation of the 
Flagellants and Penitents was turned from a sham 
into a reality ! 

May 20, 1583. 

LETTER XIX. 

The reports of fresh disturbances, which I mentioned 
lately, are gaining ground, and worst of all, there is 
no certainty as to whether Alen9on is concerned in 
them or not. 

In consequence of these rumours his mother 
(Catherine de Medici) has been for some time intend- 

two and two, and wearing sacks of different colours, the knights of the 
King blue, the knights of St. Michael black, and the rest white. They 
were distinguished from similar associations, which were numerous at 
that time, by having their faces covered with a mask, and a large whip 
hanging from their girdles. The cross was generally carried by the Cardinal 
de Guise, who had as his acolytes the Chancellor and the Keeper of the 
Seals (i.e. Birague and Chevemy.) ^ 

* Maurice Poncet The King and his courtiers had gone in procession 
on a wet day. Poncet, in allusion to their dress, quoted a French proverb 
as to the folly of trying to keep off rain with wet sackcloth. He was 
rewarded for his temerity by imprisonment in the monastery of St Peter 
at Melun. See Thuanus^ iii. 627. 

* * Le 29* mars, le Roy fist fouetter, au Louvre, jusques k six vingts, que 
pages, que laquais, qui en la Salle Basse du Louvre avoient contrefait la 
procession des Penitents, aians mis leurs mouschoirs devant leurs visages, 
avec des trous k I'endroit des yeux.' — De PEstoile, ii. 112. 



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FERVAQUES' REWARD. i8i 

ing to visit him at Calais, but he has been detained at 
Dunkirk by sickness ; he is supposed to be suffering 
from the French disease, and has placed himself in 
the hands of his physicians and surgeons. As soon 
as he recovers, people think he will cross over to 
Calais ; but there is no telling, for some maintain that 
he will go to Normandy, and others that he will take 
ship for Brittany. If war ensues the King will be in 
great straits, since neither financially, nor in any other 
way, is he prepared to meet it. 

Bellievre has returned from Antwerp ; he tells us 
that concessions have been made on both sides, and 
all obstacles to a satisfactory understanding removed. 

One of the points arranged was the release of the 
prisoners, amongst whom was Fervaques ; on this 
gentleman's rejoining AIen9on the latter presented 
him with an abbacy ^ worth 6,000 crowns per annum, 
in acknowledgment no doubt of his brilliant concep- 
tion and its admirable execution ! When this was 
told to the Queen Mother (Catherine de Medici) she 
lost all patience, and called Alen9on a fool and mad- 
man, repeating her words again and again. 

A letter of Biron's has been discovered in Alen- 
9on*s cabinet at Antwerp, written the day before the 
disastrous attempt of the French, in which he does 
his utmost to induce Alen9on to abandon his foolish 
scheme. This discovery has made Biron extremely 
popular at Antwerp ; in fact he stands first in favour of 
the citizens, and this is the nian on whose head not 
long ago rested most of the odium ! 

Pibrac, who lately joined Alen9on, has been 
despatched by him to Antwerp as his representative 
with the States ; he is an ambassador who will, I 
fancy, cause more mischief than several thousand 

1 See Letter XXIX. 



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1 82 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

soldiers. Endhoven, a little town of Brabant, has 
capitulated to the King (of Spain) in spite of de Bon- 
nivet's defence. On the other hand, Biron has retaken 
some small forts. They say that the Prince of Parma 
is making preparations for the siege of Alost, thus 
threatening Brussels. 
June I, 1583. 

LETTER XX. 

The King's inordinate devotion to religious ob- 
servances is the subject of general remark ; some 
declare that he will end by changing his crown for a 
cowl. The Queen Mother, they say, disgusted with 
the way he neglects his duties as Sovereign, roundly 
rebuked one Edmund,^ a Jesuit,* who is the King's 
chief adviser, for having well nigh turned her son from 
a king into a monk, to the great detriment of the realm. 

Meanwhile serious disturbances are taking place in 
Aquitaine and Languedoc. In consequence of these 
movements the King has despatched Monsieur du 
Ferrier, whom he employed for a long time as his am- 
bassador at Venice, to the King of Navarre. He is 
an old man and reputed wise. 

The Queen Mother would have rushed to meet 
Alen9on at Calais, if he had not written to stop her, 
warning her that a visit from her would wake the sus- 
picions of the States of the Netherlands, and so 
damage his prospects. This is the excuse he gives, 
but most people think his letter was written to suit the 
views of the gentlemen responsible for the catastrophe 
at Antwerp, who are afraid of meeting with hard 

* Edmund Auger, the King's confessor. He was not favourably dis- 
posed towards the League, and on this account was recalled by his 
superiors. See Thuanusy iii. 626. De TEstoile, who detested him, 
declares that he was originally a juggler, * basteleur.' 



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DON ANTONIO'S HOUSEHOLD. 183 

language and reproaches from the Queen, and haply 
also of being dismissed from their places. 

Don Antonio was here the other day with the 
Queen, having run away from Dieppe and Rouen on 
account of the plague. He has now left for a village 
in the neighbourhood called Ruel, where he is living in 
a pleasant house lent him by Alen9on. His household 
consists of some sixty people, who consume daily a 
quarter of an. ox, two sheep, one calf, and 1 50 loaves. 

It is now quite certain that Orange openly assumes 
the position of Count of Holland. Flushing,^ a city of 
Zealand, he bought with his own money ; so that he 
commands the communications of those provinces with 
the sea. Thus amid the downfall and ruin of others 
Orange has secured a success. 

The King is preparing for a journey to M^zi^res, 
with the intention of going on to a chateau called 
Foullenbraye, where he will stay to drink the Spa waters 
for the benefit of his health. During his absence the 
government is placed in the hands of the Queen Mother 
and the Privy Council. It is thought he will be away 
the whole summer. His days, I fear, are numbered. 

After several feints, by which he kept every one 
in suspense as to where he would next strike, Parma 
has settled down to the siege of Cambrai. It will be a 
tedious affair, and success is by no means certain, still 
the capture of the town would go far towards deciding 
the struggle. He is said, moreover, to have recovered 
the town of Diest. Brussels, too, seems inclined to 
go over. 

People are again beginning to be afraid of the 
plague. There are serious signs of its presence in 
Paris, and also in several other French towns. 
June 25, 1583. 

* See Motley, United Netherlands, i. 342. 



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1 84 LETTERS FROM FRANCE, 



LETTER XXI. 

The Queen Mother has been with the King. After 
her interview she flew off to Boulogne-sur-Mer to meet 
Alen^on, with Marshal de Retz in attendance on her. 
Alen^on himself is levying fresh soldiers with the pur- 
pose, I suppose, of sending them to the relief of 
Cambrai. 

The States and Biron have received a severe 
check at Steenbergen,^ losing a great many men. 
Biron was wounded, and had difficulty in protecting 
himself behind the walls of Steenbergen. 

The Governor of Namur has been sent by Parma 
to the King. A messenger also came from Casimir to 
ask a free passage through France ; he is sending 
him to the Queen of England about the Cologne 
business. The Pope, through his nuncio, is urging 
the King to accept the decrees of the Council of Trent, 
and to publish them throughout the kingdom. I do 
not think his representations will have much effect, 
not because the King is a supporter of the privileges 
of the Gallican Church, but because there is a suspicion 
that the real object is the introduction of the Inquisi- 
tion into France. Fresh disturbances would be the 
certain consequence of so unpopular a measure. 

For these reasons people say the King, though 
personally disposed to accede to the demands of the 
Pope, will not grant them, being determined, as far as 
in him lies, to avoid all risk of rebellion and civil war. 

The King was desirous of placing the Duke of 
Epernon in command of Metz, but the present governor 
is an obstacle. He refuses to transfer his command to 
any one until he shall have received the reward due 

' See Strada^ ii. 261-2. 



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JO YE USES MISSION, 185 

to him for long service in the army and years of honest 
work. In my opinion the King has another reason 
for prolonging his stay in those parts. Cologne is not 
far distant, and he may be thinking of making his own 
advantage out of the disturbances. 

Then, after conducting his wife to Bourbon-les- 
Bains, he will make a cUtour to Lyons, not returning 
to Paris till the end of the summer. 

The Duke of Joyeuse is expected back. He crossed 
the mountains into Italy with a brilliant train on a pil- 
grimage to the shrine of the Holy Virgin of Loreto, 
in fulfilment of a vow he had undertaken when his 
wife was ill. 

On his way he visited Rome to do reverence to 
the Pope, and possibly also to give him a private mes- 
sage ^ from the King. 

The men of Antwerp have lost a great deal of 
their old confidence and love for Orange, who seems 
only to care for making his kingdom of Holland secure, 
and does not pay sufficient attention to the safety of 
the' other provinces. From Brussels also there is news 
of some disturbance, touching which I am expecting a 
report from a trusty correspondent. 

Meanwhile I pray God to grant good health to 
your Imperial Majesty, whose most humble servant I 
remain. 

July 3, 1583. 



LETTER XXII. 



As the Queen Mother was hastening through Picardy 
to Boulogne, Alen^on met her at La Fere. He did 

* For his real object, see Thuanus, iii. 630-631. He tried to obtain 
the Pope's approval of a scheme for attacking Montmorency, Governor of 
Languedoc, and met with a refusal and rebuke. See Letter XXXII. 



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i86 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

not leave Dunkirk an hour too soon. No sooner 
had he gone than Parmas army sat down before 
it, and the siege was so skilfully conducted that the 
garrison were compelled to surrender ; ^ they were, how- 
ever, able to obtain honourable terms. With Dun- 
kirk Alen9on has lost all footing in the Netherlands 
except Cambrai, and even that is hard pressed and in 
great want of provisions, by reason of the garrisons 
and outposts which encompass it on every side. How- 
ever, Alen9on, with a relieving army, is not far off, 
and stores of wine and corn, collected in Picardy, have 
been laid up at St. Quentin to supply the famished 
town. As to what the end of it will be, no one knows. 

The ambassadors, who were expected from Antwerp 
for the ratification of the terms of reconciliation, did 
not arrive, in consequence of which Alen9on returned 
to France in high dudgeon with the States of the 
Netherlands. Biron is said to be at Antwerp, with 
one word and one word only in his mouth, which he 
is ever repeating, and that word is ' money ; ' no one 
listens to him, for there seems no possibility of extract- 
ing a penny from the townspeople without running 
the risk of an outbreak ; in good sooth, the funds 
which the citizens supplied have so often been wasted 
that they are sick of the business. 

On the other hand. Orange does what he can to 
awake the zeal of Antwerp, but, since Alen9on s disas- 
trous attempt, his influence has fallen low, and there is 
a suspicion abroad that he is more anxious for his own 
personal advantage than for the welfare of his country. 
Some say he has crossed over to Zealand, to make all 
safe in that quarter, and transact some pressing busi- 
ness. 

The fall of Dunkirk has been followed by the 

* See Strada, il 264. 



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MURDER OF THE KING'S MESSENGER. 187 

surrender of Nieuport, St/Winoc, and other neighbour- 
ing towns, so that they are in hopes of taking Bruges 
and Ypres. Thus affairs in the Netherlands are 
mending;^ and possibly a little skilful management 
would induce the people to come to terms. I was 
expecting a man from Brabant, who would have given 
me accurate information on all these points, but I am 
afraid his return will be delayed by the capture of 
Dunkirk, which has greatly added to the difificulties of 
a sea passage. 

There was in Paris a royal messenger, famous for 
his skill in conveying to their destination the orders 
and despatches of his master ; nor was there any one 
in whose loyalty and discretion the King placed 
greater confidence. His Majesty had ordered him to 
cross the Alps with an autograph letter, filling two 
sheets, to the Duke of Joyeuse. He had not gone far 
before he fell in with four horsemen, who were dogging 
his path ; they stabbed him in several places, and 
carried off the King's letter ; by this means, it is sup- 
posed, several important secrets have been discovered 
by the opponents of the Court. Whether it was for 
this reason or not I cannot say, but the King imme- 
diately hurried back to Paris, instead of accompanying 
his wife to Bourbon-les-bains, as he had intended. 
However, in a few days he will join her at the baths, 
going on to Lyons, but what he intends to do when he 
gets there is a secret to most people. 

For myself, I am inclined to think that he wishes 
to see whether his presence on the spot will enable 
him to turn Montmorency*^ out of the government of 

* Busbecq was evidently on the watch for some turn in the affairs of 
the Netherlands which might tend to the advantage of the House of 
Austria. He did not care for decisive Spanish successes. See Letter XLI. 

» See Letter XXL, note. 



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i88 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

Languedoc, and place the Duke of Joyeuse, or one of 
his other minions, in possession. 

I am not, I say, certain that he will give it to the 
Duke of Joyeuse, since a most handsome provision 
has been made for him in the governorship of Nor- 
mandy, which was refused to Alen^on himself. But 
perhaps ere long we shall learn the truth. 

Every one in Paris is talking of the news that Don 
Antonio s new fleet has reached the Azores in safety. 
The commander is Monsieur de Chattes, a knight of 
Malta, and also a relation of the Duke of Joyeuse, 
Admiral of France. 

Some time ago one St. Hilaire entered your 
Majesty's service as a gentleman cadet. I under- 
stand he is now serving in Hungary. This young 
gentleman's eldest brother is dead, and, if I mistake 
not, he stands next in succession to the estate ; there 
are several brothers, and, if he is not present when the 
property is divided, there is danger of his not getting 
his proper share ; as the loss to him might be con- 
siderable, his friends have come to the conclusion that 
he ought to be summoned home, and have requested 
me to write to your Majesty, and ask for an honourable 
discharge, which request I hereby comply with. It 
will be a good occasion for your Imperial Majesty tor 
exercise your kindness by graciously giving him leave 
of absence for the transaction of private business. 

The plague is breaking out afresh in several places, 
the wind being unusually steady, and never shifting, 
unless it be from south to west. 

As to the Greek books, I most humbly repeat my 
request that your Majesty would keep the matter in 
mind. 

There was lately in Paris a gentleman of good 
family, who was a notorious duellist His name was the 



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A DUEL. 189 

Baron de Viteaux,^ and he had attained some celebrity 
by the bold and successful way in which he had killed 
sundry gentlemen with whom he had diflferences. The 
son of one of his victims was anxious to avenge his 
father's death ; he had also another motive, for having 
lately been discovered in a plot against the Baron's 
life,^ he knew that unless he killed him his doom was 
sealed. Accordingly he determined to take a decided 
course ; so last Sunday he invited the Baron to 
measure swords with him in a field near Paris ; the 
arrangement was that they should have in attendance 
only one servant apiece, and a gentleman of rank, the 
common friend of both parties, to act as umpire and 
marshal of the lists; the duel to be with sword and 
dagger, no other weapon being allowed, and only to 
be terminated when one of the combatants should 
have fallen. The Baron accepted the challenge ; as 

^ De Viteaux was the murderer of du Guast, see page 1 16. The duel 
is described by Brant6me at great length ; he had an account of it from 
Seigneur Jacques Ferron, who had acted as fencing-master to young 
Millaud, de Viteaux's antagonist. Ferron climbed up a tall walnut tree 
in order to get a good view of the contest. Brantdme was a great 
admirer of de Viteaux. * Ainsi mourut ce brave baron, le parangon de 
France, qu'on nommoit tel, k bien venger ses querelles par grandes et 
determin^es resolutions. II n'estoit pas seulement estim^ en France, 
mais en Italie, Espaigne, Allemaigne, en Pouloigne et Angleterre ; et 
desiroient fort les estrangers venant en France le voir ; car je Fay veu, 
tant sa renommde voUoit II estoit fort petit de corps, mais fort grand de 
courage. Ses ennemis disoient qu'il ne tuoit pas bien ses gens que par 
advantages et supercheries. Certes, je tiens de grands capitaines, et mesmes 
d'italiens, qui sont estez d'autresfois les premiers vengeurs du monde, in 
ogni modOy disoient-ils, qui ont tenu ceste maxime, qu'une supercherie ne 
se devoit payer que par semblable monnoye, et n'y alloit point Ik de 
deshonneur.' — Brantdmey vi. 89. 

* * Le mercredi 15* febvrier, le baron de Viteaux, revenant sur le soir 
du Louvre, £ut charg^, en la rue Saint-Germain, pr^s le fort I'Evesque, 
par dix ou douze hommes de cheval, bien months et arm^s k Tavantage. 
Et mist ledit Viteaux brusquement la main k Tesp^e, et, vaillamment se 
defendant, se retira enfin sain et sauf .... On eust cette opinion que 
ceste charge avoit est^ faicte par le jeune Millaud, d^sirant venger la 
mort de son p^re.' — De PEstoile, ii. 105. 



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I90 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

soon as they met he ran his opponent through the arm 
and stretched him on the ground ; not liking to strike 
him when he was down, he told him to get up. This 
act of kindness cost him dear, for his opponent, in no 
way daunted by his wound, but burning to avenge 
his fall, with one vigorous and skilful thrust, ran the 
Baron through the heart ; then, as he lay dying on the 
ground, he stabbed him again and again, and thus 
rewarded his folly in sparing an antagonist whose arm 
still held a sword. Though scarcely twenty-one, the 
young man had for years been devoting himself to the 
art of fencing, with a view to this meeting. Thus 
died the famous Baron, who was looked on here as a 
second Mars, and is thought to have frightened the 
K ing^ more than once. H is end was like that of Montal ^ 

* Brant6me gives a long list of de Viteaux's achievements. He adds — 
* S'il eust vescu, il en vouloit tuer encores deux que je s^y bien, qui, je 
croy, ne regrettdrent guieres sa mort . . . . et possible s'il eust eschappd 
de ce combat, il fust tumb^ en une embuscade qu'on luy avoit pr^parie, 
comme j'ay sceu despuis : car il commengoit k estre plus craint qu'aymi 
de quelques tr^s-grands et tr^s-grandes : si que ce trait du meurtre de M. 
du Guast fut estim^ de grande resolution et SLSScuraxictJ^BrantSme, v'u 

86-95. 

' In the early part of 1575 Montal, the governor of Lower Auvergne, 
was killed in a defile by the cavaliers of Magdelene de Senetaire, the 
widow of Guy de Saint-Exupery, Seigneur de Miraumont. *Cette 
Amazone, Tune des merveilles de son sidcle pour la beaut^, mais encore 
plus pour le courage et pour la vertu, avoit toftjours aupr^s d*elle soixante 
jeunes Gentils-hommes en bon Equipage, qui s^efforgant tous k Penvy de 
nieriter Thonneur de son estime, faisoient voir dans leur petite troupe 
r^chantillon de cette verity autrefois ^npnc^e par un Ancien, Qu'une 
arm^e composde d'Amans seroit invincible.' — Mezeray^ iii. 375. 

The Latin is Montenelltis^ and we have identified him with Montal 
on the authority of de Foy ; his case, however, hardly furnishes a parallel 
to the death of de Viteaux, and possibly Louvier de Montrevel (or 
Maurevert) is intended, who was killed about this time by the son of a man 
he had assassinated. This atrocious scoundrel had been like Besme 
(see p. 99) a page in the household of Guise, had murdered the governor 
of the pages and deserted. In spite of his crime he was readmitted to 
his old position, and undertook to murder Coligny. With this object he 
deserted to the Huguenots, and was most kindly received by Moiiy, 



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NOTORIOUS DUELLISTS. 191 

and Bussy,^ both of whom died as they deserved 
to die. 'Aspiciunt oculis superi mortalia justis/ The 
victor is not yet out of danger. He received two 
wounds, one, as I mentioned, in his arm, and the 
other in his thigh. Even if he recovers, another duel 
awaits him, as he will be challenged by a relation of 
the late Baron, who is well qualified to avenge his 
death. 

I thought there was no harm in giving your Ma- 
jesty a full account of this affair, though it has but little 
connection with my business. 

Paris, August 10, 1583. 



governor of Niort, who shared with him his bed, his board, and his 
purse. Unable to find an opportunity of assassinating the Admiral, 
Montrevel murdered his benefactor in the most dastardly manner. 
Mezeray draws a parallel between him and de Viteaux, who had at least 
the redeeming quality of courage. See Mezeray, iii. 224 and 555. 

^ Bussy d'Amboise was a notorious duellist. On one occasion, for 
instance, a gentleman named Saint-Phal was looking at a piece of em- 
broidery, and made the innocent remark that a certain letter worked on 
it was X ; Bussy, in order to provoke a quarrel, insisted that it was Y. 
The upshot of the dispute was a duel with six champions on either side ; 
at the first meeting Bussy was slightly wounded, on which Saint-Phal 
withdrew from the combat. Bussy endeavoured to arrange another 
meeting, but was prevented by the King. 

His end was as follows. The King obtained some letters of Buss/s 
boasting of an intrigue with a married lady, and showed them to her hus- 
band, the Count of Monsoreau. The latter carried off his wife to a 
lonely castle and compelled her to write a letter to Bussy, inviting him to 
visit her. He fell into the trap, and was murdered by a band of assassins 
as soon as he entered the castle. No one regretted him, not even 
Alengon, to whom he had attached himself. — Ambassadeurs Vdnetiensy 

ii. 453. 

Bussy's sister Ren^e afterwards married Balag^y (see Letter XXIX.) 
on condition that he would avenge her brother, a promise he never ful- 
filled. She is the heroine of Cambrai described by Motley, United 
Netherlands J iii. 350, 351. 



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192 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 



LETTER XXIII. 

However famous Africa may have been of old for tales 
and wonders, it must yield the palm to modern 
France. 

Scarcely had our ears recovered from the flood of 
gossip aroused by the death of the Baron, which I have 
already described, when there crops up another scandal, 
calculated to produce quite as much astonishment and 
conversation. The King, publicly before a large au- 
dience, gave a severe lecture ^ to his sister the Queen 
of Navarre, reproving her for her disreputable and 
immoral courses ; he gave her the exact dates at which 
she had taken on each new lover ; he reproached her 
with having had a son of whom her husband was not 
the father ; in each instance his dates and particulars 
were so accurate, that one would have thought he had 
been an eyewitness. The Queen (Marguerite de Valois) 
was overwhelmed, being ashamed to confess, and at 
the same time unable to refute, the charges brought 
against her. The King concluded his lecture by order- - 
ing her to leave Paris forthwith, and no longer pollute 
the city with her presence. 

In obedience to this command, the Queen of Na- 
varre packed in haste, and left Paris on the following 
day ; no one paid her the attention of escorting her 
from the city, and she had not even a complete train of 
servants. Her destination is supposed to be Vend6me, 
one of her husband's towns. Two ladies of rank,^ who 

* For the real reason of this outburst, see Letters XXII. XXIX. The 
King suspected her of causing his despatches to be intercepted and his 
messenger murdered. Whether Margaret was guilty of this murder or 
not, she was capable of such acts. See note, p. 1 16. 

' ' La dame de Duras et la damoiselle de Bethune.* — De PEstoiley 
ii. 130. 



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MARG UERITE'S DISGRA CE, 1 93 

are at the head of her household, were arrested on the 
road, brought back to Paris, and placed under guard. 

Nor was the King satisfied with the punishment he 
had inflicted, but must needs write a letter to the King 
of Navarre with a full account of his wife's delinquen- 
cies. People say that, if her husband accepts this 
statement, and refuses to receive her, it is the in- 
tention of the King to immure his sister in some 
lonely fortress, where she can injure no one by Her 
immorality and intrigues. Nor need this excite sur- 
prise, for there is some fear that, if she should return 
to her husband, and make herself out innocent to him, 
she will be the source of much disturbance and disquiet 
to the realm ; of will and malice for such work she has 
good store, and of ability there is enough and to spare. 

Immediately after the interview between the King 
and his sister, a gentleman, named de Chanvallon,^ fled 
to Germany ; for a long time he had stood high in 
Alen9on's favour ; but when it was discovered that he 
had sent news from Antwerp to the French Court, 
touching matters which Alen9on wished to be sup- 
pressed, he fell out of favour with the Prince, and was 
ordered to leave his presence. He returned to Paris 
and took refuge with the Queen of Navarre, to the 
great annoyance of Alen^on, who is now completely 
estranged from him, if one may believe what one 
hears. 

De Chanvallon is a young man whose claims to 
noble birth are doubtful ; he has, however, the advan- 
tage of pleasing manners, and is a handsome young 
fellow ; he holds a high place among the admirers of 
the Queen of Navarre. They say the Queen Mother 
also is greatly incensed with her daughter for her in- 

* Jacques de Harlay, Seigneur de Chanvallon, was the reputed father 
of Marguerite's son. 

VOL. II. O 



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194 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

discretions. How that may be I cannot tell ; but at 
any rate the Queen of Navarre has, as I told your 
Majesty, left Paris, declaring again and again that * she 
and the Queen of Scots are the most unhappy beings 
in the world ; a little drop of poison would give her 
relief, if anyone would help her to it, but she has 
neither friend nor foe to do her this service.' 

This story, which is now current in France, is 
perhaps hardly deserving of your Majesty's attention, 
or a fit subject for a confidential despatch ; but I was 
induced to give these details by the circumstance that 
I had an opportunity of sending a letter, and the 
business of the Queen made it necessary that I should 
write to her. So, having little else in the way of 
news, I have filled my letter to your Majesty with this 
gossip. 

The Queen Mother has returned to Alen9on at 
La Fere. The King himself has set out for Lyons, 
his chief object being, as he professes, to meet his dear 
Duke of Joyeuse, on his return from Italy. 

There is a report that Alen^on will marry his niece, 
the daughter of his sister and the Duke of Lorraine, 
and that the sister of the King of Navarre is intended 
for the Duke of Savoy. Strange reports, methinks, 
and not worthy of much credit as yet. 

The Prince of Parma s victorious career in Flan- 
ders has been stopped at Ostend ; the town was re- 
inforced by the Prince of Orange, and refused to 
surrender. Ypres is lost ; Dixmude is said to be hard 
pressed, for the people of Bruges were obliged to call 
in the garrison of Menin for the further protection of 
the town. Menin was evacuated, and left to be plun- 
dered and sacked. 

August 27, 1583. 



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CONFUSION IN THE NETHERLANDS, 195 



LETTER XXIV. 

At last the gentleman whom I expected from the Ne- 
therlands, as I have already told your Majesty, has 
returned. The only news he brings is that the Nether- 
landers are acting in the maddest way, the citizens 
quarrelling, the towns disagreeing, there is no steady 
policy, and a reckless spirit prevails. However, in 
one point they all agree, to wit, their detestation of the 
French ; who since the outrage at Antwerp have become 
positively hateful to the Netherlanders, a sentiment 
which they on their part warmly reciprocate. It is on 
account of this feeling, he says, that Biron has returned 
with his forces to France. When he was embarking, 
there were not enough transports for the conveyance 
of the troop horses, so the men piled straw round a 
number of them, and burnt them ; others they stabbed 
or hamstrung, so as to render them useless. Every- 
where Netherlanders are being stopped on the road 
and plundered by the French, who tell them that they 
are returning the favours they have received in the 
Low Countries. All this plainly shows how untrust- 
worthy is a league between ill-assorted allies, however 
much it be varnished over with a pretence of friend- 
ship, and how quickly ancient national feuds break out 
afresh. 

They say that Puygalliard, commander of the 
royal cavalry in Picardy, is acting governor at Cam- 
brai for the King of France, Alen9on having handed 
over the city to his brother, and Biron is on his way to 
join him. 

Apparently Alen^on's plan is to throw a strong 

garrison into Cambrai, and retake some places in the 

o 2 



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1 96 LETTERS FROM FRANCE, 

neighbourhood, while harassing the cities of Hainault 
and Artois, and thus proving to the men of Brabant 
and the rest of the Netherlanders, who, as he is aware, 
hate him cordially, how much protection he could have 
afforded, and how much he would have done if they 
had continued to cultivate his friendship. 

This is supposed to be his only chance of rein- 
stating himself in their good graces. Towards carry- 
ing out this scheme he has received material assistance, 
it is said, from the King, who has appointed him his 
Lieutenant ; but his powers are so far limited, that he 
cannot levy money or draw on the royal treasury at 
his own discretion. Still his success is in no way 
assured, for the French are so unpopular in the Nether- 
lands, that the Prince of Orange himself is roundly 
abused for supporting their interests; he does not 
carry anything like the weight he once possessed ; his 
influence has declined even among the Hollanders and 
Zealanders, who were supposed to be on the point of 
making him their Count and Sovereign; now, how- 
ever, he is compelled to listen to language from them 
which is not merely blunt, but actually rude and insult- 
ing. Some go so far as to insinuate that he was privy 
to Alen9on's schemes, when he made his disastrous 
attempt on Antwerp. 

He is consequently living in retirement at Flush- 
ing, in a position hardly above that of a private gentle- 
man. Occupied solely with sundry family affairs, he is 
quietly waiting tilf the storm of unpopularity shall have 
spent itself, for well he knows how changeable the 
masses are, and that neither their favour nor disfavour 
is likely to last long. 

The following piece of news I give, but do not 
vouch for, though the report is generally current. 
Those who do not like it explain it away. All France 



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FRENCH DEFEA T AT THE AZORES, 197 

rings with the story of another defeat at the Azores ; ^ 
the fleet, they say, is lost ; the French cut to pieces ; 
the Portuguese condemned to the galley and the oar ; 
the commander of the expedition a prisoner. If this 
be true, and it does not seem improbable, France will 
have paid dearly for her hospitalities to the Portuguese. 
Among other instructions given by the King to 
the Duke of Joyeuse, when setting out for Italy, was 
one of special importance ; he was to obtain the Pope's 
permission for the sale of ecclesiastical property to the 
value of some hundred thousands of crowns ; it is now 

* One of the chief objects of the first expedition of Santa Cruz to the 
Azores (see Letter IV.) was to provide for the safety of the fleet which 
was expected from India. Telles Silva, having secured Goa and the other 
Portuguese possessions in India for Spain, despatched a messenger, Jerome 
Lima, to Philip by an overland route, vii Ormuz, Bagdad, Aleppo, Jeru- 
salem, and Tripoli, to inform him of his plans. Matters appear to have 
been well timed by the Spaniards, for shortly after the defeat of Strozzi 
the Indian fleet hove in sight, and Santa Cruz, after throwing a garrison 
into St. Michael, escorted the convoy to Lisbon. Don Antonio was thus 
left master of the other islands, but, as has already been seen, he quickly 
decamped, leaving Emmanuel Silva in command. The following year 
the French sent their second expedition, consisting of 600 men under de 
Chattes, Knight of Malta ; on reaching Terceira this gallant officer 
strongly urged the Portuguese commander to concentrate his troops in 
some strong place, as he saw no hope of preventing the Spaniards, who 
were shortly expected, from disembarking. Silva reftised to take his advice ; 
Santa Cruz succeeded in landing, and after a sharp engagement the 
French, who were deserted by their Portuguese allies, were driven into 
the interior. 

De Chattes asked Silva to join him, suggesting that with their united 
forces they would be able to offer a better resistance or secure better 
terms. Silva returned a most insolent answer, telling him to join the 
Spaniards, and boasting that he and his Portuguese were a match for 
them both, meanwhile he sent to Santa Cruz, offering to surrender and 
betray his French allies. This proposition the Spanish admiral forwarded 
to de Chattes by a man who had served with the latter at Malta. De 
Chattes no longer hesitated to accept the liberal terms offered by Santa 
Cruz, and surrendered with 400 men, on condition of their keeping their 
side arms, and being sent back to France. Silva was quickly hunted 
down, tortured, and executed. The French who had bevn taken prisoners 
before the surrender of the main body were sent to the galleys. See 
Thuanusy iii. 637-642. 



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198 LETTERS FROM FRANCE, 

reported that the Duke's attempt to obtain the Papal 
sanction was a complete failure. So the King's hopes 
in this quarter were frustrated, and the Duke has not 
been more successful than the great men whom the 
King lately sent round France to obtain supplies. 
The first debates on the King's return will be, I ima- 
gine, on the best method of scraping up money ! With 
the lower orders in this country distress has gone so far 
that they are like to hang themselves from sheer 
despair, consequently they take these frequent and 
heavy demands upon their pockets in very bad part. 

September 15, 1583. 

The aged Bishop of Rimini, the Apostolic Nuncio, 
has died here of fever. He was a man of kindly feel- 
ing and high character. 

September 20, 1583. 



LETTER XXV. 



I HAVE not much to report. Alen9on is at Cambrai, 
in great want of many things, especially money, which 
in his case is all important. His captains attempted 
to surprise Le Quesnoy, a strongly fortified town in 
Hainault, and were repulsed with great slaughter. 

St. Aldegonde, and a gentleman named Junius, 
who acted as secretary to the late Count Palatine,^ are 
said to have come to Cambrai as ambassadors from the 
States, to treat with Alen^on for a reconciliation ; but 
treat or reconcile as they please, it is plain they will 
not be supported by public sentiment, for the Nether- 
landers loathe the very name of Frenchman. 

* The father of Casimir. See note, page 15. 



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A NEW RELIGIOUS FASHION. 199 

Ypres is still blockaded by the enemy s works, 
though there is a story that the besiegers have suf- 
fered some loss at the hands of the garrison of 
Bruges. 

The plague, which is now raging at Paris with 
extraordinary violence, will, I think, cause the King 
to defer his return. People expect that Alen^on will 
meet him here. 

A new religious fashion ^ is in vogue among the 
French. The townsmen and peasants of some place, 
of all ages and all ranks, quit their homes in a body, 
and make a pilgrimage of two or three days to some 
famous shrine. The pilgrims are generally clothed in 
white linen robes, and carry crosses in their hands. 
Some people think that this movement had its origin 
in supernatural warnings, which frightened the people, 
and led them to take this means of appeasing the 
Deity, and saving themselves ; others think that it is 

^ *^ Le 10* septembre, vindrent k Paris, en forme de procession, huict ou 
neuf cens, qu' hommes, que femmes, que garsons, que filles, vestus de toile 
blanche, aveq mantelets aussi de toile sur leurs espaules, portans 
chapeaux ou de feutre gris chamarr^s de bandes de toile, ou tous couvers 
de toile sur leurs testes, et en leurs mains les uns des crergeset chandelles 
de cire ardens, les autres des croix de bois, et marchoient deux k deux, 
chantans en la forme des penitens ou p^lerins allans en pdlerinage. lis 
estoient habitans des villages de S. Jean des deux Gemeaux et d'Ussy, 
en Brie, pr^s la Fert^ Gaucher. Et estoient conduis par les deux gentils- 
hommes des deux villages susdits, vestus de mesme parure, qui les 
suivoient k cheval, et leurs damoiselles aussi vestues de mesmes, dedans 
ung coche. Le "peuple de Paris accourut k grande foule pour les voir 
venans faire leurs pri^res et ofFrandes en la grande ^glise de Paris, esmeu 
de pitid et commiseration, leur voiant faire tels p^nitenciaux et ddvocieux 
voyages pieds nuds, et en longueur et rigueurs des chemins. lis 
disoient avoir estd meus \ faire ces penitences et pdlerinages pour 
quelque feux apparans en I'air et autres signes, conrnie prodiges veus au 
ciel et en la terre, mesmes vers les quartiers des Ardennes, d'oii estoient 
venus les premiers tels pdlerins et penitens, jusques au nombre de 10 ou 
12 mille,^ Nostre-Dame de Reims et de Liesse, pour mesme occasion.' — 
De PEsioile/il 134. 



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200 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

to gratify the King that these pilgrimages are under- 
taken, and that their object is to ask God to grant 
him children. 

October 6, 1585. 



LETTER XXVI. 



I HAVE received a letter from the Counsellors of your 
Imperial Majesty's chamber, in which they state that 
the books which I presented to the library some seven 
years ago, during the lifetime of the Emperor Maxi- 
milian, of blessed memory, have been valued at one 
thousand florins ; if your Imperial Majesty regards 
this sum in the light of a present in return for my 
present of books, I shall consider it most handsome, 
and humbly offer my best thanks to your Majesty for 
the same ; but if it is a matter of business and strict 
account — if this sum, I say, is to be reckoned as the 
ascertained value of all those precious volumes, the 
antiquity of which renders them so important an 
acquisition to the Imperial Library — I must confess 
that such a price in no way represents their value. 
The precious character of the books and the high 
regard I have ever felt for them^ render it incum- 
bent on me to make this protest. As far as I am 
personally concerned, I am ready to acquiesce in your 
Majesty's decision, whatever it may be. 

October 9, 1583. 

^ Busbecq regarded his books as personal friends ; see the end of the 
2nd Turkish letter (vol. i. p. 191). He will not have them slighted ! De 
Foy omits this letter from his translation on the ground that it has no 
historic interest His real reason is evidently his inability to reconcile its 
statements with his own notes on Letter XII., in which he explains 
Busbecq's appeal for a settlement as to the Greek manuscripts, by sup- 
posing that they had been stopped at the Venetian custom-house. For 
an account of these books see voL i. p. 417. 



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\ 



FRENCH FINANCE, 201 



LETTER XXVII. 

The King has at last returned. On account of the 
plague it was determined that he should not enter 
Paris. It was arranged, as the most convenient plan, 
that he should stay at Saint-Germain en Laye. On his 
arrival, his first care was to summon the gentlemen 
who, as I told your Majesty in a former letter, were 
sent round the provinces and cities of France to collect 
money. They are all men of high standing.^ The 
King will now receive an account of the steps they took 
and the reply they got. Their report must needs be 
that all made answer with one accord, their burden 
was already so heavy, that if they were to bear it any 
longer, it must be lightened rather than increased by 
the addition of a fresh tax. 

This will compel the King to consult these gentle- 
men as to the best means of raising funds, for, one 
way or another, money must be had. As to what 
course they will recommend there is no certainty ; but 
some people are disposed to think that the honour of 
replenishing the treasury will be assigned to the Church, 
The King, it seems, desired the Duke of Joyeuse to 
open negotiations with the Pope for obtaining his 
sanction to a fresh sale of ecclesiastical property to the 
value of several hundred thousand crowns ; but for 
some reason or other nothing came of it. 

These conferences at Saint-Germain would have 
been brought to a conclusion had not Alen^on made a 
cUtour to Chdteau Thierry, some 26 miles *^ from Paris, 

^ Their names are given, ThuanuSy iii. 633. The King selected three 
Archbishops, each of whom was accompanied by a distinguished layman. 

^ Twenty-six of Busbecq's miles (see vol. i. p. 82 note) are equivalent 
to about sixty English miles, which is the distance of ChS.teau Thierry 
from Paris. 



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202 LETTERS FROM FRANCE, 

on his way from Cambrai to his own town of Angers, 
where he intends spending the winter ; his mother has 
gone to visit him, hoping to bring him to the court, in 
order that he may be present at the above-mentioned 
conferences ; but whether he will be persuaded is still 
uncertain, for he persists in his complaint that he has 
not been properly supported in the great work he has 
undertaken, and that the King has had more regard 
for the interests of utter strangers than for those of his 
own brother. 

As to other matters, Cambrai is neither safe against 
attack nor adequately provisioned. Biron tried to 
storm Cateau Cambr^sis, but, unluckily for him, the 
Prince of Parma came to the rescue ; the French army 
was in great danger, and had to beat a hurried retreat ; 
Biron, however, managed to save his cannon. 

The rebel States of the Netherlands, having met at 
Middelburg^ to transact federal business, the party of 
the Prince of Orange urged strongly the advisability 
of a reconciliation with Alen9on ; they were, however, 
repeatedly told by other members of the meeting that 
the late disastrous affair (at Antwerp) had shown them 
how impossible it was to trust the word of Frenchmen. 
There were some who wished for the King of Den- 
mark, while several mentioned Casimir, who had the 
support of the Queen of England ; but the assembly 
broke up without arriving at any decision. 

October 29, 1583. 



LETTER XXVIII. 

Alen^on has retraced his steps to Laon, whither the 
Queen Mother has gone to visit him. Of the reason 

^ See Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, P. VI. ch. vi. 



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THE KINGS RECANTATION, 203 

of this step I am not sure, but probably his object is to 
be near Cambrai. It is well known that great dis- 
turbances lately took place there ; certain of the citi- 
zens conspired with officers commanding posts in the 
neighbourhood, and either took the town or were within 
an ace of taking it. The French, however, still hold 
the citadel. 
November 2, 1583. 



LETTER XXIX. 



The Queen Mother has returned from her visit to 
Alen9on. All her trouble has been to no purpose, for 
he could not be induced to accompany her to Court.^ 
The Kings distress at his absence is not over- 
whelming ! 

The Queen of Navarre has joined her husband ; he 
received her courteously, but she will live apart from 
him until the truth be ascertained concerning the im- 
moralities of which she is charged. It is on this business 
that Bellievre has been sent to the King of Navarre. 
He is to make a recantation on the Kings behalf, and 
reconcile husband and wife. 

They say the King has been brought to task for 
allowing himself, in a fit of passion, to blast the repu- 
tation of a member of his own family, and is now sorry 

* To those who know the history of the times, it will not be surprising 
that Alen^on did not care to come to court. Henry III. allowed and 
encouraged his favourites to treat his brother in the most insolent manner, 
mimicking him to his face, and pointing at him. The following is the 
description of their behaviour at St. Luc's wedding : — * Le due d'Anjou 
(Alen^on) ne voulut point assister k la c^r^monie ; cependant, par com- 
plaisance pour la reine-m^re, il se pr^senta le soir au bal, et eut tout lieu 

de s'en repentir Chacun le montroit au doigt ; on le regardoit en 

ricanant : on se parloit de lui k Toreille, assez haut cependant pour qu'il 
entendit que sa taille, son air, sa d-marche dtoient la mati^re des plai- 
santeries.' — Anquetil, viii. ^^, 



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204 LETTERS FROM FRANCE, 

for what he has done.^ He tries to clear himself by 
saying that in a rash moment he believed what certain 
people told him. The King of Navarre demands that, 
if his wife be guilty, she should receive the punishment 
she deserves ; but that, if she has been falsely accused, 
and is innocent, her calumniators should pay the penalty. 
It is well known that the King was provoked into this 
by the murder of the messenger^ he sent to the Duke 
of Joyeuse, of which I informed your Majesty in a 
former letter, for he suspected that his sister had been 
privy to the assassination. Those who are acquainted 
with the character of the lady say that, unless they are 
greatly mistaken, she will one day signally avenge the 
insult she has received. 

The story of a disturbance at Cambrai, which I 
mentioned at the end of my last letter, arose from the 
Seigneur de Goigny, commandant of a neighbouring 
place for the King (of Spain), being seen in the city. 
It was assumed that he could not be staying in Cam- 
brai without the consent of the townsmen. The as- 
sumption was ill-grounded, as the event proved, for he. 
had come to Cambrai to have an interview with Alen- 
9on, whom he has followed to France ; for aught I 
know, he is still at his quarters. 

The reason of his visit was the hope that had beea 
thrown out of some arrangement for recovering Cam-* 
brai, a large sum of money having been promised to 
Alencjon on behalf of the King of Spain 

The ruined and impoverished condition of the 
nobles in Alen9on's train renders it by no means im- 

^ The King had on a former occasion acted with great precipitation 
with regard to Alengon, entering his room at night, searching his bed for 
papers, and insisting on seeing a note which his brother with clasped 
hands implored him not to open. It turned out to be a billet-doux ! — 
See Mdmoires de Marguerite, 136-7. 

« See Letter XXII. 



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OPENING THE DYKES, 205 

probable that this scheme may come to something, as 
it would provide the means to save them from starva- 
tion and destitution ; but in the Royal Court, and 
throughout France, the negotiation is held to be most 
discreditable, and is regarded as a striking proof of the 
fickleness of the French. 

A report is current that the King has written a 
letter to his brother cautioning him. An arrangement 
for the exchange of prisoners furnishes the pretext 
under which this negotiation is being conducted. 

In spite of all this, some are inclined to think that 
the States of Brabant are getting ready a fresh em- 
bassy, which will shortly be sent to arrange the terms 
of a reconciliation with Alen^on. It would appear 
that they have been driven to this course by the suc- 
cesses of the Prince of Parma, who has seized nearly 
all the country save Ghent and Antwerp. The 
Netherlanders, however, have opened the dykes with 
the double object of protecting themselves, and making 
Parma's conquests of no avail to him. It is supposed 
that their next step will be to send a fresh embassy, 
since they are determined to suffer the worst that may 
befall, rather than submit once more to the authority of 
Spain. However this may be, there is news that the 
Zealanders and Hollanders will shortly appoint Orange 
as their Count. 

De Puygaillard has left Cambrai ; de Balagny ^ is in 

> Busbecq's opinion was amply confirmed by Balagny's subsequent 
career. He established himself at Cambrai as an independent Prince. — 
See United Netherlands, i. 8, 100 ; and iii. 347-350. See also p. 227. 
Balagny was the son of Busbecq's friend Jean de Montluc, Bishop 
of Valence (see p. 35, note 2), who considered himself married to his 
mother. ' Je croy qu'il ne prit point Tordre de Prestrise, mais il se donna 
la licence d'avoir une femme, dont vint Jean de Montluc-Balagny ; car 
ayant fort pratiqud les Docteurs des nouvelles opinions, il estoit dans ce 
mauvais sentiment que le Celibat n'estoit pas une quality necessaire aux 
Ecclesiastiques.'— i1/<?-8r^r<zy, iii. 450. 



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2o6 LETTERS FROM FRANCE, 

command of the citadel and garrison, and he is not the 
sort of man to surrender the town to anyone, even 
though Alen^on himself should give the order. The 
latter has changed his plans; it is thought he will 
not go, as formerly reported, to Angers for the winter, 
but will stop in his present quarters at Chdteau 
Thierry. He has returned from the Netherlands with 
such discredit that he is only thinking of where he 
may best hide his dishonoured head. Meanwhile the 
King is holding his assemblies, which will continue 
sitting for at least two months ; not only will the 
financial question be considered, but also a general 
reform of all abuses ; it is the purpose of the King, in 
conformity with his present strict religious views, to 
correct all vices and faults in the administration of his 
realm and thus promote the welfare of his people ; it 
is probable, however, that the upshot of these changes 
will be to make the King's interest the paramount 
consideration. For instance, the Crown claims the 
right of conferring Church patronage, and in conse- 
quence you may see children, military men,^ and women 
holding bishopricks and abbacies ; well, first there 
was a debate as to the advisability of replacing matters 
on their old footing, and making these appointments 
elective, but a resolution was passed that, inasmuch as 
the old purity in voting had passed away, and all prin- 
ciple had been lost, there appeared no reason for 
depriving the Crown of the valuable right it had 
acquired, and that the matter had better be left on its 
present footing, with the understanding that the King, 
when exercising his patronage, should have regard to 
the character and qualifications of the candidates. In 
many other cases there will be a similar result — that 
is, projects will be ushered in with fine phrases as to 

* As for instance du Guast, Fervaques, and Brant6me. 



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SUMPTUAR Y LA WS. 207 

the interests of the people and the mitigation of their 
burdens, and then in the end the interests of the Crown 
will carry the day. The King indeed takes care that 
the law he enacted with regard to dress should be 
strictly observed ; it had not been in force many days 
when it met with the usual fate of such edicts, and was 
disregarded by the Parisians, whereon his Majesty 
sent the Provost of the Court into the city with orders 
to throw into jail all persons whom he might find 
transgressing the law. There were several arrests 
both of men and women, and a great commotion was 
the consequence, amounting almost to an insurrection. 
* Were they to be arrested by the Provost as if they 
were highwaymen or burglars ? They had their own 
judges and magistrates to punish offending citizens. 
If the Provost ^ continued to interfere it should cost 
him his life.' It seemed likely that the people would 
be as good as their word, so the magistrates of the 
city came to the King and informed him of what was 
going on ; at first he took them roundly to task for 
their laches in allowing these salutary laws to fall into 
abeyance, telling them that it was through their negli- 
gence he had been driven to other means of enforcing 
them ; he then hurried to Paris, went straight to the 
prison and set free all who had been arrested on this 
charge, paying out of his own purse the jailor's dues 

^ ' Le dimanche 13* de novembre, le Provost de PHostel et ses archers 
prirent prisonni^res 5oou6o,quedamoiselles,que bourgeoises, con trevenant 
en habits et bagues \ Pddit de la reformation des habits, sept ou huit 
mois auparavant public, et les constitu^rent prisonni^res au fort 
PEvesque et autres prisons fermdes, ou elles couch^rent, quelque remon- 
strance et offre de les cautionner et paier les amandes encourues que 
peussent faire les parens et amis : qui fut une rigoenr extraordinaire et 
excessive, veu que par Tddit il n'y gissoit qu'une amande p^cuniaire. 
Mais il y avoit en ce fait un tacit commandement et consentement du 
Roy, qui ferma la bouche aux plaintes qu'on en vouloit faire*' — De PEstoiley 
ii. 139- 



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2o8 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

for each prisoner. Since theh the law has been more 
strictly enforced. 

Cardinal de Birague ^ is dead, at the age, if I mis- 
take not, of more than eighty years ; the Court fol- 
lowed its usual fashion, and gave a magnificent funeral 
at death to one whom it loved not during his life. 
He held the tide of Chancellor of France, but the 
duties of his office were discharged by a deputy ; he 
was a man who loved fair dealing, and consequently a 
good friend and supporter of the Queen Dowager of 
France, your Imperial Majesty's sister ; his successor *^ 
is his exact opposite in character, disposition, and in- 
tentions. 

Orange is scheming to recover Zutphen, a city of 
Gueldres, which has been taken by the Spaniards. The 
Count of Gueldres is suspected of having a secret under- 
standing with Parma ; there is a report that he has been 

* Cardinal de Birague's unpopularity with the Court may be partly 
accounted for by a very amusing story told by Thuanus. As Chancellor 
of France he was commanded by the King to make a speech before the 
Parliament asking for the confirmation of some financial measures which 
his Majesty had sent to them. Henry was present with all his courtiers. 
Whether Birague intended the sarcasm or not it is impossible to say ; but 
to the great amusement of the ready-witted Frenchmen he said, looking 
round on the royal favourites, * Really the causes of the King's poverty 
and want of money are so obvious that everyone can see them.' He 
repeated the phrase again and again, amid roars of laughter. See 
Thuanus^ iii. 626. Compare also pp. 177, 178. 

The following is the opinion of his fellow officials : — * Ce chancelier 
estoit Italien de nation et de religion, bien entendu aux affaires d'Estat, 
fort peu en la justice ; de S9avoir, n'en avoit point k revendre, mais settle- 
ment pour sa provision, encores bien petitement Au reste, liberal, 
voluptueux, homme du temps, serviteur absolu des volont^s du Roy, 
aiant dit souvent qu'il n'estoit pas Chancelier de France, mais Chancelier 
du Roy de France, ce que son successeur a sceu encores mieux prattiquer 
que lui. Car il mourust pauvre pour un homme qui avoit lonjgtemps servi 
les Roys de France, n'estant aucunement ambitieux, et meilleur pour ses 
amis et serviteurs que pour soi-mesmes. II disoit, peu auparavant son 
d^c^s, qu'il mouroit cardinal sans tiltre, prebstre sans b^n^fice, et chan- 
celier sans seaux.' — De PEstoile^ ii. 140. 

* Philippe Hurault, Comte de Chevemy. 



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IMBIZE AND RYHOVE. 209 



sent as a prisoner to Zealand with his children. At 
Ghent also a conspiracy ^ of some nobles against the 
city authorities has been detected through Imbize, who 
for a long time was an exile in the Palatinate ; this dis- 
covery has placed them all in imminent danger ; among 
the number is Ryhove, who was ambassador at Con- 
stantinople. 

However the others may fare» Champagny, who 
was the prime mover and soul of the plot, can hardly 
hope to save his head. 

•December 4, 1583. 



LETTER XXX. 



Nothing of importance, as far as I know, has happened 
since I last wrote, unless it be that some men were 
caught at Alen9on's quarters, with arms in their hands, 
under suspicious circumstances ; it was thought that 
they were waiting to assassinate some one. Alen9on 
was strongly impressed with the idea that they were 
cut-throats hired to murder him. At last, after a care- 
ful investigation, it was discovered that it was not his 
life they designed to take, but Fervaques' ; moreover, 
it was ascertained that the man who set them on was 
at open feud with the latter, on account of some injury 
he had received at his hands. 

The Queen Mother has again set out on a visit to 

* See Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic^ Part VI., chap. vi. It is in- 
teresting to compare the dates as given by Motley with Busbecq's letter. 
The latter throws a fresh light on the character of the ' roaring demagogue ' 
Imbize. It appears from Thuanus (iii. 646) that Imbize, to gain the favour 
of the people, immediately on becoming Senator, threw into prison certain 
citizens, whom he accused of intriguing with the Spaniards, and having 
betrayed the Pays de Waes to them. The trick succeeded ; Imbize won 
the confidence of the people, and, having attained his object, yielded to 
Champagny's entreaties and released the prisoners, 

VOL. II. P 



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210 LETTERS FROM FRANCE, 

Alen9on. She has several objects in going, but the 
chief one is to remove whatever suspicions he may still 
entertain. People say Alen9on is also about to receive 
ambassadors from nearly all the rebel States of the 
Netherlands, with the exception of Flanders, which 
has not yet been induced to sanction his recall. For 
the aforesaid ambassadors, whose arrival is expected, 
eighteen gold chains are being worked up at Alen9on's 
quarters. The Hollanders, however, are supposed to 
have already sworn allegiance to Orange, or to be on 
the point of so doing, with the reservation that the 
supreme sovereignty be vested in Alen9on. Whatever 
else Orange may lose, he will always retain his power 
of perpetuating disturbances and revolutions. His 
chief assistant and adviser, St, Aldegonde, has been 
made burgomaster of Antwerp. For many years past 
I have been unable to see any prospect of a peaceful 
settlement for the Netherlands. Parma has, it is true, 
done much, but I doubt whether there is not quite as 
much more to be done. 

We have news of disturbances in Gascony and 
Aquitaine ; in both of these provinces places have 
been seized, and attempts are being made to recover 
them by force of arms. 

That the year on which we have just entered and 
many, many coming years may bring prosperity to 
your Imperial Majesty is the hope and prayer of your 
most humble servant. 

January 9, 1584. 



LETTER XXXI. 



The King is bent on a plan for reforming his life, and 
devoting himself more exclusively to religion. It was 
supposed that he would spend the Carnival at Paris ; 



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THE KINGS CHAMBERLAINS. 211 

he used to say that not to be at Paris at that season 
was as bad as being in Poland, for he should miss all 
the fun and pleasure of the capital, and last, but not 
least, the society of certain ladies whom he had been 
accustomed to meet on that occasion.^ 

In his present humour he does not care to leave 
Saint-Germain, where he lives like a hermit. Meanwhile 
the assembly, which was convened for the purpose of 
reforming the people and remedying abuses in the 
government, is still sitting. Every day it passes a 
number of wholesome measures, of which I shall now 
proceed to give your Majesty an example. There is 
no greater burden laid on the realm of France than 
the multiplication of official posts, which the King 
creates to the benefit of his own pocket and the im- 
poverishment of his people ; these are now, to a great 
extent, abolished. For instance, the King had as 
many as 1 50 chamberlains, all of whom are now dis- 
missed, with the exception of sixteen, or, according to 
another version, twenty-four. The same course, it is 
supposed, will be followed in all similar cases, to the 
great advantage and relief of the nation, on whose 
shoulders the entire burden of supporting these sine- 
cures used to rest. 

This reform, however, will draw complaints from 
individuals who have purchased such offices with hard 
cash out of their own pockets. Their claims, it is 
true, will be commuted, but they will suffer great in- 
convenience and loss by the change. 

Meantime there is a vague idea that France is on 

» The following is a description of Henry III. at the Carnival of 
1577 :— ' II faisoit jouxtes, toumois, ballets et force masquarades, oii il se 
trouvoit ordinairement habill^ en femme, ouvroit son pourpoint et des- 
couvroit sa gorge, y portant un collier de perles et trois collets de toile, 
deux k fraize et un renvers^, ainsi que lors les portoient les dames 
de sa Cour.'— Z?^ PEsioile, i. 180. 

p 2 



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212 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

the eve of a fresh civil war, and there are people who 
assert that Navarre has sent to Germany to hire reiters. 
Whether that be so or not, at any rate the King is 
raising troops. 

It is supposed that the Queen of Navarre will 
shortly be reconciled to her husband, if indeed the 
reconciliation has not already taken place, through the 
mediation of one Pernantius of Lorraine, a notable 
champion of Protestantism. The Netherland ambas- 
sadors are now with Alen9on, waiting for fuller in- 
structions from the States. Alen9on is urging his 
claim to be appointed Lieutenant-General of the king- 
dom, with the same powers as the present Sovereign 
held during the reign of his brother Charles, which were 
very extensive ; but the King objects, and it seems 
hardly likely that they will come to terms. This dif- 
ference, it is feared, will, in the event of war, be the 
source of yet more serious quarrels. 

Every day men ^ are coming over from England 
to France who have been concerned in the great con- 
spiracy against the life of the Queen (Elizabeth). The 
Earl of Norfolk* has been arrested in England for 
his part in the plot, and everyone expects that he will 
lose his head, but the Earl of Arundels case is not re- 
garded as equally desperate, as the Queen seems more 
inclined to show him mercy. Even the Queen of 
Scots, who is accused of having been privy to all their 
designs, is considered to be in great danger. The 
Ambassador* of the King of Spain, they say, was the 
prime mover in the conspiracy, and on this account 

> When Throgmorton was known to have confessed, * there was a flight 
of Catholics over the Channel thick as autumn swallows.'— Fr^«^, 
chap. Ixv. 

^ The Earl of Northumberland — a mistake of Busbecq's. 

• See Froude, chap. Ixv. 



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ALENQON AT THE COURT. 213 

has been ordered to leave England. There is an idea 
that he will pass through France on his way to Spain. 

February 12, 1584. 

The King has returned from Saint- Germain to 
Paris, on account of the illness of the Queen Mother. 
She had an attack of fever, which lasted longer than 
was expected. 

February 15, 1584. 



LETTER XXXII. 



Alen^on has paid a visit to his sick mother, staying 
with her some days before he showed himself to the 
King. At last, by her advice, as I suppose, he ap- 
proached ^ the King in a most respectful and submis- 
sive manner, insomuch that for some time he kept his 
knee well nigh touching the ground. When raised by 
the King, he commenced his address by imploring for- 
giveness for any offences he might have committed 
against him. 

The King replied there was no need of pardon ; 
he was quite aware that in certain points he did not 
agree with his brother, but for his own part he was 
prepared to submit such questions to the arbitration of 
their mother, and would abide by her decision. 

People say that Alen9on was advised to make sure 
of Joyeuse and Epernon, through whose eyes the 
King sees everything, if he wanted his brother to help 
his party, and interfere in the affairs of the Netherlands. 
The King could be led to anything, if they chose to 
exert their influence. This advice he seems inclined to 
adopt. 

* Thuanusy iii. 679. 



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it 1 4 LETTERS FRCM FRANCE. 

The ambassadors of Brabant and Flanders have 
now arrived ; people say that they have offered Alen- 
9on the right of placing garrisons in any of their cities 
with the exception of two, viz., Antwerp and Ghent. 
They have also been to Paris to plead their cause be- 
fore the King. 

Alen9on, after spending a few days with the King, 
returned to his old quarters at Chdteau Thierry, with 
the intention of coming again to Paris before Easter. 

When he left the whole court escorted him out ; 
there was a great fuss, and none so forward as Joyeuse 
and Epernon, on whom he bestowed every mark of 
favour at parting. 

The King, it seems, is about to take Cambrai under 
his protection, and will send some troops thither, which, 
however, are nominally to be Alengon's. 

Everyone is talking of the campaign against Dam- 
ville, whose present title is the Duke of Montmorency.^ 
He is Governor of Languedoc, and appointments of 
this kind are held for life, and not for a term of years, 
the holder not being superseded unless he has become 
a rebel or been convicted of high treason. The King is 
determined to bestow the governorship of the province 
on the father of Joyeuse, but Montmorency, it seems, 
does not intend surrendering his post as long as there is 
life in his body. The King has caused Montmorency to 
be tried before his Parliament, and pronounced contu- 
macious and rebellious. This campaign, people say, 
will be taken in hand after Easter. Alen9on is to act 
as the King's Lieutenant in proof of his submission to 
the royal authority. The result is anxiously expected. 

Montmorency has great resources in Languedoc, 
and is supported by a united and numerous party. 

* See p. II, and note, p. 185, 



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A SCENE IN THE COUNCIL-CHAMBER. 215 

Many will suspect that his downfall will pave the way 
to their destruction. 

A few days ago the King was within an ace of 
committing an act in his own council-chamber hardly 
consistent with the gracious character which befits a 
Sovereign. Among his councillors was a knight of 
Malta, the Prior of Champagne,^ a violent and reckless 
man. The King was speaking earnestly on some im- 
portant point, and the Prior, who took an opposite 
view, went so far as to say, * If you wished,^ Sire, 
to speak the truth, you must remember, &c.' The 

* Michel de Seure, Grand Prior of Champagne, a great favourite with 
Catherine de Medici. The following scene is described as occurring after 
Alengon's sudden arrest and liberation in 1578 : * Laquelle estant finie de 
cette fagon, le chevalier de Seure, que la Royne ma mere avoit bailie k 
mon frere pour coucher en sa chambre, et qu'elle prenoit plaisir d'ouyr 
quelquesfois causer, pour estre d'humeur libre, et qui disoit de bonne 
grace ce qu*il vouloit, tenant un peu de ITiumeur d'un philosophe cynique, 
se trouvant devant elle, elle luy demande: " Et bien, monsieur de Seure, que 
dictes vous de tout cecy ? " " C'est trop peu," dict-il, " pour faire k bon 
escient, et trop pour se jouer." Et se tournant vers moy, sans qu*elle le 
peust entendre, me dit : " Je ne croy pas que ce soit icy le dernier acte 
de ce jeu ; nostre homme (voulant parler de mon frere) me tromperoit 
bien, s'il en demeuroit W \ " ^^—Mimoires (U Marguerite^ p. 148. 

* * Le 6* jour de mars, le Roy estant au Conseil, en son chasteau du 
Louvre, entra en grande colore contre le chevalier de Seure, grand-prieur 
de Champaigne, jusques k lui donner des coups de poing et de pied, 
pourceque (comme il est haut \ la main et furieuxen sa colore) il avoit dit 
k Milon, seingneur de Videville, premier intendant des finances, qu'il estoit 
un larron et assassin du peuple de France, d'ailleurs par trop afflig^, I'aiant 
charg^ de huit millions d'escus, sous couleur de paier les debtes du Roy, 
qu'il disoit monter k ladite somme, combien qu'elles ne montassent qu'k 
cinq millions, et par ce moien surchargeoit furtivement le pauvre peuple 
de trois millions. Et au Roy, survenant sur ces propos, osa encores dire : 
" Sire, vous savez bien ce qui en est ; " et lui aiant respondu le Roy qu'il ne 
s'en souvenoit point, fust d'abondant si temeraire que de r^pliquer haute- 
ment et superbement: " Si vous voulez mettre la main sur la conscience, 
Sire, vous savez ce qui en est." Ce que le Roy (ne prenant pas d'ailleurs 
plaisir a ouir de tels propos) print pour une forme de dementi, et par une 
promte colore mist la main sur ledit chevalier, Texc^dant, ainsi que dit 
est.' — DeVEstoiley ii. 149. Michel de Seure was one of the commissioners 
mentioned pp. 198, 201. See Thuanus, iii. 633. 



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2i6 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

King tcK)k his words as a personal insult, and was 
furious. * What ? ' cried he ; 'do you think I am tell- 
ing a lie ? Down on your knees at once, and beg my 
pardon.' When he had done so, the King forgave him, 
but at the same time ordered him out of his sight. 
When the Prior was somewhat slow in obeying, or, it 
may be, said something in reply, the King again lost 
his temper, and, drawing his sword, was on the point 
of running him through, when he was held back by the 
gentlemen present. The Bishop of Paris ^ is still 
suffering from a wound in the hand, which he received 
in grasping the naked blade. Thus the King in his 
council-chamber all but perpetrated a crime little be- 
coming his character as a ' penitent' Several people 
interceded for the Prior, and the King accordingly 
pardoned him, but at the same time required him to 
leave the Court and enter his presence no more — a 
severe punishment to a man who is court bred, and 
knows no pleasure elsewhere. 

The Ambassador, who is said to have been an ac- 
complice in the English tragedy, Don Bernardino de 
Mendoza, has arrived at Paris, where he is waiting 
for an answer from the King of Spain, but on what 
business I cannot say. Some think he is seeking the 
post of ambassador at the French court. 

March 20, 1 584. 



LETTER XXXIII. 



Alen(;on, ^ after his return to Chdteau Thierry, fell 
seriously ill, and his life was in great danger. This 
gave rise to a story that he had been poisoned. How- 



* Pierre de Gondi. See note, p. 40. 

* See Froude, chap. Ixvi. 



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ANTWERP 21? 



ever, he is now said to be better. From his bringing 
up large quantities of blood, some suspect that his lungs 
are affected. The Queen Mother, who went to see 
him, has not yet returned. 

March 29, 1584. 



Letter xxxiv. 

When the people from Flanders saw that they made 
no way with Alen9on, and all hope of help from France 
was at an end, they returned home, reversed their 
policy, and opened negotiations with Parma.^ Their 
ambassadors were entertained courteously by the 
Prince, and received presents from him on leaving, 
while the envoys whom Parma sent with his reply 
had like treatment from the town of Ghent. 

Very different is the feeling at Antwerp, where the 
citizens will endure the worst sooner than submit to the 
old yoke, and have therefore determined to cast in their 
lot with Zealand and Holland for weal or woe. This 
new combination will prolong the war, as they are the 
wealthiest people in the world, are girt with fortifica- 
tions, and have the keys of the sea in their possession. 

The rest of the towns of Brabant are supposed to 
be on the eve of returning to their allegiance to the 
King of Spain, in company with Flanders ; the men 
of Antwerp do not object, as they wish to be relieved 
of the obligation. Bergen, which the Hollanders have 
taken under their protection, is the only exception. 
Alen9on indeed has something else to think of just now 
besides the affairs of the Netherlands, aye, and some- 
thing that touches him more closely, for there is a report 
that he is in a decline, which has reached the con- 

* Stradtty ii, 281. 



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tf i8 LETTEES FEOM FRANCE. 

sumptive stage. If this be true — and it is generally be- 
lieved — he cannot be long for this world, and then, 
however little the House of Valois may like it, the 
Bourbons will be the heirs presumptive to the Crown — 
first the Cardinal, and then Navarre. The Queen 
Mother is staying in the country at some distance from 
Paris, and the report is that she is ill from grief. The 
King, it seems, has laid aside the idea of a campaign 
against Damville,^ of which every one was talking, and 
has issued a proclamation to the effect that there is 
nothing he loves so much as peace, no one is to rise in 
arms, all are to do their best to prevent an outbreak. 
This Edict is construed by the opposite faction to mean 
exactly the reverse, and to be proof positive that war 
is intended ; they say this is his usual trick when he 
means to attack them. 

Whether they are right or wrong time will show. 

April ic, 1584. 

LETTER XXXV. 

Alen^on's^ life is despaired of. Indeed a day or two 
ago he was reported as dead, and not only was the 
date of his decease given, viz., the 25th of this month, 
but also the hour, viz., 10 p.m. For several hours, it 
seems, he had lain motionless, so that he was thought 
to be dead ; afterwards he became conscious, and is 
still alive, if a man can be called alive, whose case is 
hopeless and whose death is hourly expected. The 
Kings chief physician has visited him; on his return 

> See Letter XXXII. 

* * Sur la fin de ce mois (May), la Roine-m^re s'en alia k Monsseaux et de 
1^ k Chasteau-Thierri, voir M. le Due son fils, gri^vement malade. Elle en 
revinst le premier juing, et fist apporter par eau les plus pr^cieux meubles 
de son dit fils, abandonn^ des m^decins et de tout humain secours,' — 
De rEstoiUy ii. 154. 



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ALENQON'S LIFE DESPAIRED OR 219 

he made the Queen Mother quite hopeful by his re- 
port, but privately he told his friends that he did not 
expect him to last a month. Well, the matter is in 
God's hands, and that He will preserve your Majesty, 
is the prayer of your humble servant. 

April 29, 1 584. 

LETTER XXXVI. 

That Ghent, Bruges, and Ostend have come to terms 
with Parma is considered certain ; they say indeed that 
service in the cathedral of Ghent is already celebrated 
after the Roman rite ; and this is also the case in three 
churches in Bruges, In that district Sluys alone stands 
out, and holds by its treaty with Flushing. The terms 
of the arrangement will, people think, shortly be made 
public. 

May 3, 1584. 

LETTER XXXVII. 

Alen^on is still confined to his chamber, or, to speak 
more correctly, to his bed ; no one is allowed to see 
him save one or two of his adherents, who encourage 
him to hope that he will recover, but impartial people 
consider his case desperate ; while some think he is 
already dead, but that his death is kept secret. 

The greatest anxiety is felt throughout France, and 
it is indeed a critical time, for AIen9on's death will be 
a most serious matter to the kingdom. For some time 
past the King has been estranged from his wife ; people 
trace this estrangement to the rivalry between the Duke 
of Mercoeur, brother to the Queen, and the Duke of 
Joyeuse, husband to the Queen's sister. The latter has 
been appointed by the King Admiral of France with 



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220 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

v^rj extensive powers ; while the Duke of Mercoeur 
has been made Governor of Brittany. Now the Duke 
of Mercoeur maintains that all appointments within the 
limits of his province belong to him, and Joyeuse dis- 
putes his claim. The King on being informed of this 
difference spoke sharply to the Duke of Mercoeur, and 
from that time forth his manner to his wife has been 
less kind, from an idea that the Duke of Mercoeur 
would not be so proud and stubborn, if it were not for 
his sister's countenance and support. This has given 
rise to a notion on the part of some people, that the 
King is thinking of divorcing his wife, on the plea 
that she is barren, it being most important, under 
present circumstances, that children should be born 
to the King of France. 

The Duke of Epernon has been sent into Aqui- 
taine with a numerous and splendid retinue ; his mis- 
sion is a mystery and has furnished much material for 
conversation and conjecture ; only one or two, besides 
the King, being acquainted with the secret.^ The 
King also himself, they say, is intending to visit Lyons 
shortly ; no doubt there is some important reason for 
this visit, but what it may be, there is no one who can 
explain with such accuracy and clearness as Time ! 
June 5, 1584. 

> The secret is told us by a contemporary : — * Le 16* jour de-may, le 
due Despamon partist de Paris par mandement et commission du Roy, 
pour aller en Gascongne trouver le Roy de Navarre, lui porter lettres et 
cr^ance de la part de Sa Majesty, par lesquelles elle Tammonestoit, en- 
hortoit et prioit, pource que la vie du due Dalen^on, son frfere, estoit 
ddplor^e et n'en attendoit-on de jour k autre que nouvelles de sa mort, de 
venir a la Cour pr^s d'elle et d'aller k la Messe, parce qu'il le vouloit faire 
recongnoistre son vrai h^ritier et successeur de sa couronne, lui donner 
grade et dignity prfes de sa personne, tels que mdritoient les quality de 
beau-fr^re et legitime successeur de ladite couronne de France, et recevoir 
de lui tous les honneurs, avantages et bons traitemens que telles qualit^s 
et la bonne amiti^ qu'il lui portoit pouvoient requerir.' — De PEstoile^ 
ii. 153. 



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ALEN(;ON'S DEATH AND CHARACTER, 221 



' LETTER XXXVIIL 

That AIen9on's case was desperate has been proved 
by his death. He breathed his last on the tenth of 
this month, almost at the same hour and minute as his 
brother Charles some years ago ; it is certain that he 
died of the same complaint, tubercular consumption, as 
your Imperial Majesty will have already learnt from 
the King's own letter. 

Some people declare ^ his death is a far greater 
benefit to the world than his birth ; they say he had 
fallea under the influence of worthless satellites, and 
was incapable of distinguishing between friends and 
flatterers ; he made notoriety his object, but the noto- 
riety he sought might more correctly be described as 
infamy ; he lightly undertook, and yet more lightly 
abandoned that which he had undertaken. His life 
was in accordance with his character ; fickle, unstable, 
restless, his one great object was to destroy concord 
and promote disorder. His mother's grief for him is 
genuine, the tears of the rest are constrained tears, I 
fancy, and their sorrow a sham. A magnificent funeral, 
people say, is being prepared, but the mourning will 
not last beyond St John's Day, which is now near at 
hand. The corpse is to come to Paris. The King has 
put on black ; this is unusual, for on former occasions 
it has been the custom for Kings of France to wear 
violet when in mourning. Some prognosticate that 
Alen9on s death will give rise to great changes in 
France, and I think they are not far wrong, for the 

^ This is evidently Busbecq*s verdict, which he cautiously assigns to 
others. Compare Motley's sketch of Alen^on, Rise of the Dutch Republic^ 
Part v. chap. v. Henry IV. expressed his opinion of Alengon as follows : — 
' Un cceur double, un esprit malin, et toum^ comme son corps mal biti.' 



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222 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

chief provinces and cities of the kingdom will not be 
disposed to accept any Sovereign whose religion differs 
from theirs, neither will they lack leaders when they 
rise, for the governors of the provinces will come 
forward, and others to boot. 

Some take such a hopeless and gloomy view of the 
future, that they are already thinking of emigrating. 
The King indeed is heaping honours on Navarre ; ^ he 
has presented him with the duchy of Alen9on, and in 
his letters gives him the title of distinction which is by 
custom assigned to the heir presumptive to the throne ; ^ 
moreover, a way has been discovered of perpetuating 
the miseries of the Netherlands in spite of Alen9on's 
removal, for they say he has bequeathed Cambrai ^ to 
his mother ; this legacy will probably carry with it all 
his other acquisitions in the Netherlands, and his inte- 
rests in that quarter ; it is thought that the Queen 
Mother will make all this bequest over to Navarre. .In 
this way she will be able to carry out all her schemes 
in the Netherlands, without giving the King of Spain 
ground for complaint against the King of France. 
Meanwhile Cambrai is a thorn in the side of Artois 
and Hainault, for the garrison pursues its forays far 
and wide, burning and harrying the country. 

The town of Bruges has received a garrison of the 
troops of the King of Spain ; Ghent has admitted 
Orange's forces, but there was such want of forage 
that shortly afterwards the cavalry were obliged to 
leave. People have a notion that the departure of the 
cavalry may lead the men of Ghent to resume their 

» Navarre's title to the succession was recognised in his marriage 
contract with Marguerite.— See 7%«««wj, iv. 3. 

2 Le, Monsieur, * A nul appartient d'estre appell^ en France sim- 
plement Monsieur^ que le premier prince du sang ampres le Roy.' — 
BrantSme, iii. 83. 

• Compare Thuanusy iii. 680. 



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ALENQON'S FUNERAL. 223 

negotiations with Parma ; another reason assigned is 
the alarm inspired by the arrival of the Spanish re- 
inforcements. 

June 18, 1584. 



LETTER XXXIX. 



On the festival of St. John and the two following days 
the last rites were paid to Alen9on ; there was nothing 
in the ceremonies tp call for remark, except that in the 
funeral speech no mention was made of his connection 
with the Netherlands, nor were the banners of any of 
the provinces of the Low Countries introduced into 
the procession. I have appended to my letter a copy 
of what is commonly supposed to be Alen9on*s will. 

To his Majesty's great delight, the King of Na- 
varre treated the Duke of Epernon, on his arrival, 
with every mark of consideration and honour; but 
Navarre's wife (Marguerite de Valois) refused to admit 
him to her presence. Epernon is supposed to be 
going through the province of Narbonne, and so to 
Lyons, where the King will meet him. 

Marshal de Retz is busy in Picardy strengthening 
the garrisons of forts and towns, where needful, so that 
they may be ready in case of attack or sudden emer- 
gency. Strong bodies of infantry and cavalry are being 
stationed in different parts of the country, with the 
object, as I suppose, of having a relieving army at 
hand in case Cambrai shall be hard pressed. The Hol- 
landers and Zealanders have raised a fleet to prevent 
any supplies being introduced into those ports of the 
Netherlands which are in the occupation of their ad- 
versaries, and this will probably cause a rise in the 
price of corn. 

July 10, 1584. 



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224 LETTERS FROM FRANCE, 



LETTER XL. 

The news has come of Orange s death ; there is no 
doubt as to the accuracy of the report He was shot 
with a pistol.^ The assassin has been taken and tor- 
tured, but refused to confess at whose instigation he 
committed the murder. His only statement consisted 
of a paper in his own handwriting to the effect that he 
was prompted to the deed by the desire of delivering 
the Provinces from so despotic a master. 

The ambassadors from the Netherlands have come 
to Paris, in the hope, I suppose, of inducing the King 
to give them his support, but his answer was not 
favourable. They are now importuning the Queen 
Mother, and if she refuses they will probably apply to 
the King of Navarre and the Bourbons for assistance. 

Fort Lillo, which is one of the outworks of Antwerp, 
is closely besieged by Parma ; three attempts have been 
made to take it, but in each case the assailants were 
repulsed with great slaughter.^ 

The King has set out for Lyons ; his chief object, 
people think, is to supersede the present governor and 
appoint Epernon, or the Duke of Joyeuse's father, in 
his place.^ The King has asked Navarre to come to 
him, and offered to make him Lieutenant-General of 
the kingdom. 

The party of the Guises are striving to make them- 
selves masters of the State. There is an anxious feel- 

* See Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic^ Part VI. chap. vii. 

* See Stradaj ii. 306, 307. Motley, United Netherlands^ i. 1 56. 

* ' Le 25* juillet, le Roy, apr^s avoir fait quelque s^jour h Vincennes, 
pour y establir ses Hi^ronimites, retourna k Fontainebleau, et de \k 
prist le chemin de Lyon ; oil estant arriv^, osta le gouvernement de la 
ville au seingneur de Mandelot, et le bailla au seingneur du Bouchage, 
fr^re du due de Joieuse,' — De PEstoilej ii. 164. 



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OFFERS FROM THE NETHERLANDS. 225 

ing abroad, but why or wherefore no one exactly knows. 
Time will solve the riddle. It is said that Marshal de 
Retz has made the people of Cambrai swear alle- 
giance to the Queen Mother. 

July 23, 1584. 



LETTER XLI. 



The Netherland ambassadors are trying hard to 
induce the King to give them his support. This is 
the only fact worth recording in my present letter. 
Their appeal is strongly supported by the Queen 
Mother, and her influence is said to have had some 
weight with the King. One of the ambassadors has 
been sent back to the Netherlands in company with 
the gentleman ^ who was formerly Alen9on s repre- 
sentative at Antwerp. 

They are the bearers, people say, of a favourable 
answer to the States from the King, promising to give 
them advice, countenance, and reinforcements with a 
liberal hand. The terms which the States offer in 
return are extravagant, and almost past belief. The 
result of the negotiations is awaited with the deepest 
interest. Some people are sounding the war-note right 
lustily. What, say they, would the King wait for, or 
what better opportunity could he find for commenc- 
ing a struggle which must inevitably come before 
many years are out ? Why does not he take the 
initiative, when such an opportunity and such advan- 
tages are placed within his reach ? It is folly to 
keep longing for that which it is in one's power to pos- 
sess. Granted, that the Netherlander s at the bottom 
of their hearts distrust the French, and will not submit 

' Des Pruneaux. See Motiey, United Netherlands^ i, 58 seq. 
VOL. II. Q 



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226 . LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

to them, still, is it a small advantage to withdraw them 
from their allegiance to their ancient lord ? Let them 
live in a state of semi-independence, and not as sub- 
jects of France, so long as they remain the bitterest 
foes of Spain. Assuredly the estranging of so many 
provinces will be a heavy blow to the King of Spain, 
even if the King of France should not succeed in sub- 
jecting them to himself No sensible man can fail to 
see that the Spaniards, who are naturally greedy of 
empire,- when they have consolidated their position, 
will not allow their vast powers to lie dormant, but 
will endeavour to make themselves masters of the 
whole of Christendom. But how little remains for 
them to win, compared with what they have already 
secured I Henceforth there will be no liberty in Europe, 
and all other princes and states will be placed in a 
humiliating position. Everything will depend on the 
pleasure of the Spaniard — a most miserable and de- 
grading prospect ! No time, therefore, must be lost in 
encountering this attack on the liberties of Europe, 
before the Spanish power is consolidated. There is 
no doubt that all kings, princes, and states who have 
any regard for their own safety and reputation would 
gladly join their forces and unite in extinguishing a 
conflagration which is dangerous to everyone.^ 

My own opinion is that these views are popular, 
and that they are only waiting for the death of the 
King of Spain, as the most favourable opportunity for 
a general movement. 

Parma has transferred his camp from Lillo to Den- 
dermonde, after great losses, if we may believe the 
report. He retains, however, the fort of Calloo, which 

^ See Motley, United Nether lands, \. 31, where this passage is quoted 
as Busbecq's own opinion. Such, no doubt, it is, but, with his usual caution, 
he puts it in the mouth of others. 



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BALAGNY AT CAMBRAL 227 

enables him to cause much tn^uble to the ships as they 
sail by. They hope to take Dendermonde ^ without 
much difificulty, as the larger part of the garrison has 
been cut off from the town. 

Marshal de Retz is at St. Quentin, and trying hard 
to induce Balagny,^ the governor of Cambrai, to sur- 
render the town to the King and the King's nominee. 
Balagny's tyrannical conduct has rendered him most 
unpopular at Cambrai, and there are hopes that some 
arrangement may be made. Marshal de Retz has 
proved himself a skilful and sagacious diplomatist in 
aiffairs of this kind. 

Paris, August 18, 1584. 



LETTER XLII. 



I HAVE hardly any news, and yet I feel I ought not to 
allow a longer time to elapse before writing. 

The King has returned from Lyons without achiev- 
ing anything worth notice, as far as I know. He stayed 
for some time at the castle of le Bois de Vincennes, 
in the neighbourhood of Paris, where he is building a 
church, to be held by the order of St. Jerome, for the 
benefit of himself and his society of Penitents.^ At 
the same time he is carrying on his campaign against 
vice by punishing heinous offences, especially those 
which are connected with malversation of public moneys, 

* A full account of Parma's operations at Dendermonde is to be found 
Strada, ii. 308-1 1. Busbecq's brother-in-law, Jacques de Yedeghem, had 
been captain, governor and high bailiff of Dendermonde (Tenremonde) 
jduring 1566 and 1567. He kept the town quiet during those troublous 
times, and gained the approval of the Governor-general of the Nether- 
lands.— Dalle, Histoire de Bousbecque^ p. 50, 

« See Letter XXIX. » See Letter XVII L, and note 3, p. 224. 

Q2 



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228 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

whether they belong to the privy purse or the exche- 
quer, France being full of offenders of this kind. 

In dealing with these matters he does not spare 
even men of high rank ; consequently there is a panic, 
and people are leaving the country. He will next 
attack the Parliaments, it is supposed, and require 
them to give an account of the way they have adminis- 
tered justice, and the sentences they have pronounced, 
for these courts of justice are, it is considered, full of 
corruption and in great need of reform. In France the 
Parliaments have powers almost equal to the King's ; 
in them justice is sold, or given as a matter of favour. 

Though well stricken in years, ^ the Cardinal de 
Bourbon is apparently unwilling to surrender the right 
of succession to the throne to his nephew Navarre, and 
therefore inclines to the Guises, whom a numerous party 
regard as their leaders ; nay, a little while ago it was 
stated that he intended to resign his orders, surrender 
his Cardinal's hat, and marry the widow of Montpen- 
sier, sister to the Duke of Guise. The report is still 
current. 

Marshal de R^tz is still in Picardy, strengthening 
fortifications and garrisoning posts, for the Queen 
Mother has, it appears, set her mind on keeping Cam- 
brai, and some of the household troops have been de- 
spatched thither with that object. The Queen herself 
has left Paris for the banks of the Loire, and is going 
from place to place in the hope of arranging an inter- 
view with Navarre, but the probability of his meeting 
her is not great, as he is afraid of treachery, and will 
not trust either her or the King. That his wife may 
meet her mother is not impossible. The King too has 
set out for the 1-oire, and will stop some time, should 
the plague, which keeps him from Paris, allow him to 

* See Motley, United Netherlands^ i. 113, and note p. 7. 



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SURRENDER OF GHENT. 2^29 

remain. At Paris it is still doubtful as to what the 
King's destination really is. 

Matters in the Netherlands have taken a turn very- 
favourable to the King of Spain. Ghent ^ has made 
its peace with him. If report says true, the terms are 
as follows : they are to pay him 200,000 crowns, re- 
store the churches, allow two citadels to be built, 
and give up any six men who may be demanded. 

Moreover, the men of Brussels are also talking of 
surrender. In spite of this Antwerp does not lose 
heart, nor are the Hollanders and Zealanders abandon- 
ing any part of their programme. The Queen Mother's 
Ambassador has arrived from the Netherlands, and 
talks much of the highly favourable terms on which 
they are willing to conclude a bargain with the King 
of France. The result is doubtful. Meantime, that 
God Almighty may preserve your Imperial Majesty 
is the prayer of your humble servant. 

October 4, 1584. 



LETTER XLIII. 

I HAVE allowed an unusually long interval to elapse, 
partly because I was every day expecting Sancerre to 
leave, and partly because I had no news worth sending. 
The King, who had been dodging the plague from 
place to place, at last stopped at Blois ; the plague,^ 

* See Motley, United NetherlandSy i. 21-23. Strada, ii. 317. 

* * Le 19* octobre, le Roy, de Blois, et les Roines, de Chenonceau, 
partirent en grand haste, pource que deux ou trois damoiselles de la Roine 
se trouv^rent frapp^es de peste ; dont Tune, nomm^e Monmorin, en 
mourut. Et se trouvant Ruscellai k Fontainebleau, au disner du Roy, et 
s'estant meu propos de ceste peste, et de la peur que le Roy et les Roines 
en avoient eue et avoient encores, il osa dire au Roy " que Sa Majesty ne 
devoit point craindre ceste maladie, pource que la Cour estoit une plus 
forte peste, sur laquelle I'autre ne pouvoit mprdre." ' — De tEstoile^ ii. \^^^ 



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a3o LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

however, gave him notice to quit by carrying off one 
of the ladies of the Qiieen's bedchamber, so after all he 
has returned to Saint-Germain en Laye, where he in- 
tends prosecuting his social and legal reforms, I saw 
him at Blois, whither I went to express to him and the 
two Queens, his mother and his wife, the grief and 
sorrow of the Most Christian Queen, your Majesty's 
sister, at the death of Alen^on. 

There was some talk of disturbances in the south of 
France, but they seem to have subsided. 

Don Bernardino de Mendoza, whom I mentioned as 
travelling from England to Spain by way of Paris, has 
returned to these parts. He comes to express his 
master's grief at the death of Alen9on, and also to 
supersede Tassis^ as ambassador to France. Tassis 
has gone to the Netherlands en route for Spain. If 
laying out large. sums be the proof of a good ambas- 
sador, Don Bernardino must be the best in the world, 
for they say he intends spending as much as 16,000 
crowns a year. I hope the rest may be in keeping, 
and that he may prove in every way as good as 
Tassis. 

The Duke of Epernon, who is the King's second 
self, is ill with a severe attack of scrofula, a disease 
which the Kings of France profess to heal by a touch 

* Jean Baptiste Tassis (or Taxis) was one of Philip's most able 
diplomatists. He was the son of Jean Baptiste de Tassis, who in 1545 
was appointed Postmaster General throughout Germany and the Nether- 
lands by Charles V., and whose uncle Francis had in 1516 established a 
riding post between Brussels and Vienna by order of the Emperor Max- 
imihan. To his family, as Strada points out, the world is indebted for 
the first regular system of posting in modern times — even down to 1866 
the Princes of Thum and Taxis managed the posts of Wiirtemberg, 
Nassau, Hesse, the Hanse towns, and some other German principaHties. 
This is the point of James I.'s complaint that * Spain sent him a posti- 
lion-ambassador.' Motley seems to explain the remark by stating 
that Tassis was chief courier to Philip. It is hardly probable that a great 
ambassador would be employed in such an office. See also note, p. 28. 



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THE KINGS EVIL. 



231 



of the hand,^ so the King has an admirable opportunity 
of putting his power to the test ! I write this because 
I have nothing else to say. Everything is at a stand- 
still from the frost, but this pause will probably lead 
to greater movements in the spring. 
December 10, 1584. 



LETTER XLIV. 



Ambassadors have again come from the rebel States of 
the Netherlands, with very extensive powers, they say, 
to induce the King to take them under his protection. 
The result is, to my mind, extremely doubtful. There 
are men about the King who would fain lead him into 
war. 

Meanwhile Antwerp is said to be strictly block- 
aded, the navigation of the Scheldt being almost en- 
tirely stopped. 

December 15, 1584. 



LETTER XLV. 



A NUMEROUS deputation has again come here from the 
insurgent States of the Netherlands with very full 
powers and large offers. On condition of the Kings 

* The Kings of England claimed the same power. *The days on 
which this miracle was to be wrought were fixed at sittings of the Privy 
Council, and were solemnly notified by the clergy in all the parish 
churches of the realm. When the appointed time came, several divines 
in full canonicals stood round the canopy of state. The surgeon of the 
royal household introduced the sick. A passage from the sixteenth 
chapter of the Gospel of Saint Mark was read. When the words, " They 
shall lay hands on the sick, and they shall recover," had been pronounced, 
there was a pause, and one of the sick was brought up to the King. His 
Majesty stroked the ulcers and swellings, and hung round the patient's 
neck a white riband to which was fastened a gold coin.' — Macaulay^ 
History of England^ chap. xiv. 



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2^ LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

receiving them into his protection, they undertake to 
hand over to him twelve towns in which his authority 
shall be supreme ; they promise to contribute 100,000 
crowns a month towards the expenses of the war, one- 
half to be paid by themselves, and the other by the 
Queen of England. An English ambassador is ex- 
pected here, with a large and numerous train, to take 
part in these negotiations ; the ostensible object of the 
embassy is to convey the Order of the Garter to the 
King of France. Meantime the Netherland ambas- 
sadors have been ordered to stop short at a neigh- 
bouring town,^ but for all that they are treating with 
the King by means of letters and memorials; their 
expenses are defrayed by the French treasury. They 
assure the King of an easy success, if he will only cut off 
the enemy's supplies by stopping all exports . from 
France. If this is done, they declare that in a years, 
time there will not be a single foreign soldier in the 
Netherlands, for the Spaniards must needs be starved 
out, their supplies by sea being already cut off ; even 
now, they say, though there is nothing to interrupt 
their communications with France, provisions in the 
enemy's camp are scarce and dear. What the King's 
decision will be it is hard to say. If he shall espouse 
their cause, he will thereby involve himself in a serious 
war ; if he helps rebels against their Sovereign, he 
supplies the rebels in his own kingdom with an awk- 
ward precedent; lastly, he must take up arms for 
heretics, when he hates and loathes the heretics in his 
own realm, and endures them only because he cannot 
help himself. Such a policy would be inconsistent ; 
but, however that may be, he will not, people think, 
openly espouse the cause of the Netherlanders, the 
ostensible leadership in the war being assigned to the 

^ Senlis. — 7>%?^rt«wj, iii. 714. 



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NOT TO BE TRUSTED. 233 

Queen Mother, while the Kinjj^ is to support her with 
his forces, and countenance the undertaking ; but as to 
who is to have the conduct of the campaign is more, 
than I can make out. The King of Navarre or Condd 
would, it is true, be well qualified for the post, but 
neither of them will place himself in the King's power, 
as they have not forgotten the wedding and massacre 
of Saint Bartholomew ; notwithstanding, some say that 
Navarre will give the hand of his sister, who is the 
sole heir of his kingdom, to Cond^ with the view to 
securing his own safety, as well as the Prince's, since in 
that case, if either of them be murdered, there will be a 
survivor to avenge his death.^ The decision arrived at 
must be known before long. 

The Monsieur de Selles,^ whom your Majesty 
knew in Spain, has died in his prison in Zealand. 

The proclamation touching the reform of abuses, 
which has been so long under consideration, has at 
length been published, but save in a few particulars it 
is not of the description generally expected ; I enclose 
a copy for your Imperial Majesty. 

That God may long preserve your Majesty is the 
prayer of your most humble servant 

January 25, 1585. 

* The practical advantages of this plan are illustrated by the cases of 
Montmorency and Damville. See pp. 68, 69, 'JT, 

^ See Motley, /?w^ of the Dutch Republic^ Part VI. chap. iv.,and Letter 
IX , note. He was a member of the house of St. Aldegonde, Seneschal to 
the King of Spain, and Lieutenant of the Royal bodyguard of Archers. 
He had been sent by Philip in 1578 to Don John of Austria and the 
States- General to negotiate peace. — Tassis, Mimoires. 



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234 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 



LETTER XLVL 

The King has granted a private audience to the Nether- 
land ambassadors ; I cannot give the terms of their 
address, but it is easy to guess what they were. As 
to the King, they say, he replied that he would not 
fail in his duty as a good neighbour. The ambassadors 
are fifteen in number, and their retinue comprises some 
sixty gentlemen ; they have been joined by the Prince 
of Espinoy,^ who, with his brother, the Marquis of 
Richebourg, was for some time resident at the Court 
of the late Emperor Maximilian. 

It is generally reported that ambassadors, or at 
any rate despatches, are also coming from the King of 
Spain, the Pope, and the Duke of Savoy, to remind 
the King of his engagements and to call on him to 
fulfil them ; but, for my own part, I incline to think 
that neither letters nor ambassadors from the King of 
Spain or Duke of Savoy will have much influence ; as 
to how much weight will be attached to the Pope's 
remonstrance, I cannot say. The expenses of the 
Netherland ambassadors are being defrayed by the 
French -treasury. Lastly, the English Ambassador, 
who was expected, has arrived with a numerous and 
gallant following. His name is the Earl of Derby *^ ; 
he is of royal blood the French say, and the English 
confirm the statement. He was met and escorted into 
Paris with the utmost pomp ; a house next the Palace 
was appointed for his use, and 200 crowns a day 
assigned for his expenses. He is the bearer of the 

* See MoUey, United Netherlands^ i. 95, note. 

^ Busbecq calls this nobleman de Herbei. This was the regular 
French spelling of the name. Noailles, the French ambassador to Queen 
Mary, always uses it See Motley, United Netherlands^ i. 98, and 
Froude, chap. Ixvii. 



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THE ORDER OF THE GARTER. 235 

Order of the Garter from the Queen to the King of 
France. This is the ostensible object of his mission, 
but the real and more important reason is supposed to 
be connected with the affairs of the Netherlands. On 
the last day of last month the King was invested with 
the insignia of the Order in the Church of St Augus- 
tine during vespers, in the presence of the whole Chapter 
of the Knights of the Holy Ghost ; all the ambassadors 
attended the ceremony by invitation ; amongst them 
were the envoys from the Netherlanders, but their 
coming gave deep offence to the Spanish Ambassador. 

To-morrow has been appointed for giving audience 
to the aforesaid ambassadors, in company with the 
English Ambassador, but, as to what the issue is likely 
to be, people differ. There is no doubt that the King 
is entering into the business without much heart, and 
is even dissatisfied with certain terms in the proposed 
arrangements, which do not go so far as he would like ; 
but the Queen Mother, whose hatred to anything 
Spanish is unbounded, is exerting her influence in the 
matter. People think that the King will give way to 
his mother, and take up the cause of the Netherlands, 
giving them secret support, even if he does not openly 
adopt their quarrel. If so, war, I am afraid, will be the 
consequence. The most important part in this adven^ 
ture, people say, will be assigned to Don Antonio ^ ; by 
their account, he is to be given the command of the 
French forces. In a business of this kind we can be 
certain of the past, but of nothing else ! 

These are our- troubles here ; still, mischief is not 
confined to Paris. A man tried to poison the King 
of Navarre, but failed in the attempt, either by reason 
of the strength of the King's constitution, or the weak- 
ness of the poison ; the assassin then had recourse 

* See Motley, United Netherlands^ i. 67. 



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a36 LETTERS FROM FRANCE, 

to open violence and levelled a pistol at the King. 
He failed again, was arrested, and is being tried in 
chains.* The King is greatly distressed at the affair, 
as indeed he has good reason to be, for his own 
reputation is seriously affected. He has therefore 
sent a distinguished judge to be present at the trial 
and examination of the assassin under torture ; he is 
to bring back a true and accurate report as to whether 
the fellow was suborned by some one, or acted from 
motives of personal malice. 

March 6, 1585. 



LETTER XLVn. 

Positive news has come from Brabant that Brussels *^ 
has been compelled by famine to surrender to Parma, 
and Antwerp is hard pressed, being debarred from all 
use of the Scheldt by the completion of the bridge. 
These tidings in all probability will rouse up the French. 
Court, and compel them to come to some decision with 
regard to the Netherlanders, for, unless these last re- 
ceive some support, their defence must collapse. In- 
deed, the ambassadors of the rebel States assume an 
air of despondency, being disappointed at the King s 
handing over the responsibility to his mother, instead 
of declaring war on his own account 

March 7, 1585. 

* His name was Ferrand. He was secretary to the King of Navarre, 
and asserted that he had made the attempt at the instigation of his 
Queen (Marguerite). — De PEstoile, ii. 181. 

* See Motley, United Netherlands^ i. 139. 



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FRANCE, ENGLAND, AND THE NETHERLANDS. 237 



LETTER XLVIII. 

The English Ambassador left on the fourteenth of this 
month, after a visit of twenty days, during which he 
was treated with high honours, and received every 
mark of respect. On leaving he was presented with 
plate of the value of 4,000 crowns, and the chief gen- 
tlemen in his train had also the honour of receiving 
presents. A little later the Netherland ambassadors 
took their leave, when each of them was presented 
with a gold chain of the value of 200 crowns ; their 
visit has produced little or no result ; at any rate, if any 
arrangement has been made, it is a complete secret. 
The King's public answer was that he did not intend 
to break the peace which subsisted between himself 
and the King of Spain ; the Queen Mother said, 
she was deeply concerned for their preservation, 
but was prevented by the King's wishes from 
giving them assistance. Whether any secret under- 
standing is implied in these ambiguous phrases, I 
cannot say. The ambassadors have done their utmost 
to draw the King into open war ; this appears also to 
have been the object of the English Ambassador, but 
he does not seem to have had much success. Some 
people think the King has undertaken to give them 
considerable succours as soon as his present troubles 
shall have blown over, and meanwhile to furnish 
them with some little assistance. As regards the 
troubles of which the King spoke, fresh storms are 
without doubt brewing in his kingdom. The Guises 
are levying war ; the popular account is that they are 
angry ^ with the King for not recognising their own 

* See Ranke, History of Civil Wars and Monarchy in France, chap xxi. 



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238 LETTERS FROM FRANCE, 

and their family's services, while a couple of young 
fellows, distinguished for nothing save impudence and 
conceit, are loaded with high offices and honours. But 
this is not all ; they wish to have a Catholic successor 
appointed in case of the King's death, and they are again 
putting forward the Holy League and Confederacy 
against heretics, in which they claim the leadership. 
The meaning of all this is, that knowing there will be 
no room for them in France, should Navarre, on the 
death of the King, ascend the throne, they wish 
betimes to grapple with this danger, and thus consult 
their own interests, regardless of the great troubles 
they must bring on the country. And, to be fair, there 
is everywhere in France a feeling of great anxiety, as 
people cannot tell what the position of the Church, 
will be after the King's death. Many believe that their 
ancient ritual, services, and sacraments will be profaned 
and put down by Navarre, and that the Catholics will 
be in the same position as the Protestants have hitherto 
been, if indeed they be not in a worse case. These 
fears give an excellent handle to those who are de- 
sirous of a revolution, and men who have been true to 
the old religion are in a peculiarly good position to 
take advantage of it Among these stand the Guises, 
who are most popular in France, so much so that one 
may hear them spoken of with greater deference than 
the King himself The family of Guise, they say, can 
trace its descent in an unbroken line from Charle- 
magne,^ has ever been the bulwark of the Church, ever 
loyal to King and country, in spite of the neglect with 
which it has been treated, and the bestowal on others 
of the honours it has earned, and now is justified in 

1 See Ranke, History of Civil Wars and Monarchy in France^ 
chap. xxi. 



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THE LEAGUE, 239 



unsheathing the sword, exercising the Royal preroga* 
tives, and undertaking the defence of the Church.^ 

The Cardinal de Bourbon also has deserted his 
family and takes part with the Guises. The King 
has warned them by letters and messengers to have a 
care of whither the road leads on which they are tra- 
velling ; to which they replied, they had no designs 
against him, they had never swerved from the paths 
of loyalty and duty^ so that he ought not to believe 
the calumnies of their enemies. 

In spite of these protestations, reports are gaining 
ground of German reiters being brought to France ; 
they say they are already on the borders of Lorraine, and 
Guise will shortly have some 20,000 men under arms. 

If one inquires whence the money will be forth- 
coming for the campaign, everybody has an answer 
ready to the effect that, with the Pope and the King 
of Spain ^ at their back, funds cannot be lacking, and 
that there is an understanding between them and the 
Guises is a matter beyond all doubt. Indeed, if one 
considers who is to profit by these disturbances, it is 
difficult to fix on any save the Pope and the King of 
Spain ; for the pacification of the latter s provinces in 
the Low Countries, and the successful accomplishment 
of his plans are impossible so long as France is quiet 

* * Ligiie sainte, dy-je, pourpensde et inventde par defunct Charles, 
Cardinal de Lorraine, volant la lignde de Valois proche de son p^riode, 
et Toccasion se presenter, sous ce beau masque et saint pr^texte de 
religion, d'exterminer les premiers de la Maison de Bourbon et les plus 
proches de la Couronne, pour faire ouverte profession de ladite Religion 
Prdtendue Rdformde, et par ce moien empidter la couronne de France, 
qu'ils disoient avoir est^ ravie k Lotaire, dernier Roy de France de la race 
de Charlemagne, et k ses enfants, leurs pr^d^cesseurs, par Hugues Capet, 
qui n'y pouvoit pr^tendre aucun droit que par la violente et injuste 
usurpation, par le moien de laquelle il s'en estoit empard/ — De PEsloile^ 
ii. 184. 

^ This surmise was perfectly correct. See Motley, United Netherlands^ 
i. III. 



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540 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

and united. The King of Navarre is quite alive to 
what is going on, and completely on his guard ; indeed 
he also is making ready to defend himself against any 
murderous attack ; he likewise offered the King his 
services against the enemy. The King tells him not 
to be uneasy ; he is to make no movement, but 
simply to keep his towns in readiness to repel any 
sudden assault, and leave the rest to him. 

I cannot say how far Navarre believes the King, 
for some are disposed to suspect him of knowing 
and approving of all the plans of the Guises ; others 
again hold that, while hitherto he has not been 
privy to their schemes, he will in no long time adopt 
their ideas and join their party; not that he loves 
them, but because he hates Navarre still more, on 
account of their old quarrels and the difference of their 
religious views. For my own part, I have no doubt 
that the King would sooner have anyone than Na- 
varre as successor to his throne, since he can have no 
confidence that after his accession his policy will not 
be reversed, the position of his connections and rela- 
tions be impaired, and his friends cast down from their 
high estate ; lastly, it is most annoying to feel that 
after one s death people will be exalted, whom during 
one's life one has desired to keep down. However, it 
is not easy to trace the workings of the heart, and so 
it is better to suspend our judgment till time makes all 
things clear. 

Not long ago the rumour was very general that a 
fresh attempt against the life of the Queen of England 
had been discovered. 

The Hollanders and Zealanders are busy prepar- 
ing a fleet, which is to break through the bridge and 
relieve Antwerp ; should this attempt fail, they intend 
ppening the dykes between Antwerp and Bergen, and 



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THE CHIEFS OF THE LEAGUE. 241 

flooding the country as far as Antwerp, so as to bring 
their fleet, in spite of the bridge, up to the walls of the 
town ; this plan, however, must cause great suffering 
throughout the neighbourhood, and proves how obsti- 
nate they are ; their own account is that they have no 
other course. 

March 26, 1585. 



LETTER XLIX. 



People are becoming seriously alarmed. * Suddenly 
and unexpectedly France finds herself on the brink of 
a great war; the King himself hardly knew of its 
approach before it burst upon him. Two months 
ago the Duke of Bouillon^ wrote cautioning him to be 
on his guard, as the Guises were preparing for a 
campaign. People say he is for ever deploring his 
imprudence in disregarding this warning. 

Nominally the chief mover in these disturbances is 
the Cardinal de Bourbon, but, if I am not very much 
mistaken, the real leaders are the three brothers — the 
Dukes of Guise and Mayenne, and the Cardinal de 
Lorraine, with their cousins the Duke of Aumale and 
the Marquis of Elboeuf ; they have also on their side 
the Queen's brother, the Duke of Mercoeur, Governor 
of Brittany ; there are besides in the ranks of the in- 
surrection many gentlemen of less mark, with whose 
names I need not trouble your Majesty. 

* William Robert de la Marck, Duke of Bouillon and Prince of Sedan 
from 1574 to 1588. A Huguenot like his father. *Le Roy, adverti de 
tous ces remuemens de divers seingneurs et endroits de son roiaume, et 
mesmes par le due de Bouillon, qui lui donna advis de la grande lev^e de 
gens de guerre que sous main faisoit le due de Guise, pendant qu'il 
s'amusoit k bailer et masquer, fist responee qu'il ne le eroioit ni ne 
craingnoit.*— Z>^ PEstoile, ii. 185. 

VOL. II. R 



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243 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

The reasons of offence are numerous, but the chief 
one is jealousy. For a long time the Guises have felt 
bitterly their position at the Court, where they do not 
hold the influence and station to which they consider 
themselves entitled.^ Others are loaded with wealth 
and honours, while they are held of no account, and 
are left crippled by the debts, which they and their an- 
cestors have saddled themselves with in the service of 
the State. The King, they complain, has picked out a 
couple of young fellows on whom he lavishes his affec- 
tion and caresses, treating them like sons, squandering 
on them the public revenues, living with them in the 
closest intimacy, while the Guises are not merely kept 
at a distance, but are actually insulted by having the 
dcors shut in their faces when they seek to enter into 
the royal presence. 

Besides these causes for complaint, there is a 
notion, I fancy, which is not altogether groundless, 
that the sister of Navarre, the heir of his kingdom and 
extensive possessions, will marry the Duke of Epernon, 
who is generally supposed to have been appointed by 
the King Constable of France, and that the King, 
who is not at present favourably disposed towards Na- 
varre, will be reconciled by this alliance, and support 
his claims to the succession. In all probability the 
object of the Guises is to put a stop to this arrange- 
ment, which would be most disastrous to their inte- 
rests, as it is quite clear that, with Navarre or Cond6 
on the throne, their influence in France would be 
obliterated. 

The Cardinal de Bourbon ^ assumes the title of suc- 
cessor to the throne, and is indignant at the preference 
given to the claims of his nephew ; he has thrown off 

* See Ranke, Civil Wars and Monarchy in France y chap. xxi. 

* See Motley, United Netherlands ^ i. 117. 



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THE CARDINAL DE BOURBON. 243 

his Cardinal's robes and fancies himself so much in a 
soldier s coat, that people think he must be childish. 
He is fully convinced that he owes it to the Apostolic 
See, to the faith he professes, to his family, and to 
himself, not to allow a Protestant to ascend the throne 
on the death of the King. He therefore considers 
himself the Chief of the League, and demands the first 
place in it The Church, the Commonwealth, the con- 
vening^ of the Estates, the security of the country, the 
safety of honest people, the common pleas of all revo- 
lutionists, are pressed into their service as a cloak for 
their designs. 

Again, there was a report of a Bull ^ coming from 
the Pope, which might arrive at any moment, pro- 
nouncing Navarre and Condd incapable of ascending 
the throne, as unfit and unworthy. For my own part, 
I question the policy of such a step, showing as it 
does the disunion of Christendom at a time when the 
Turkish victories over the Persians render an invasion 
more probable than ever ; for there is no doubt that 
the ultimate object of the Turks, in prosecuting their 
long struggle with the Persians, is to prepare the way 
for the extinction of Christianity. As soon as they have 
secured their rear, by destroying or crippling their 
Asiatic foe, they intend to concentrate their forces for 
a struggle with us ; they will fight with us for exist- 

^ They asked that the Estates should meet once every three years. — 
Ranke, Civil Wars and Monarchy in France^ chap. xxi. 

' Sixtus V. was elected Pope the day before this letter was written. 
Gregory XIII., who died on April 10, though he was reported to have 
approved of the Catholic Princes taking up arms in defence of their 
religion (see Sismondi, xx. 1 50), yet refused to issue any Bull in their 
favour. * Ce Pape n'avoit jamais adh^r^ k la lev^e des amies de la 
Ligue, et peu de jours avant sa mort, avoit dit au cardinal d'Est, que la 
Ligue n'auroit ni BuUe, ni Bref, ni Lettres de lui, jusques k ce qu'il vid 
plus clair en leurs brouilleries.' — De PEstoiie, ii. 190. The statement in 
the text must therefore be a canard started by the Leaguers. 

R 2 



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244 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

ence and empire, and the chances are greatly in their 
favour.^ 

But yet the movement I have described is so popu- 
lar that I cannot tell what the result will be. To the 
King, indeed, this outbreak is a most untoward and 
unexpected event, as he has neither forces nor funds 
wherewith to meet the emergency. There is hardly a 
Catholic nobleman in France who is not suspected of 
being concerned in the designs of the Guises, and 
secretly favouring the movement ; almost all the pro- 
vinces are wavering in their allegiance ; of the great 
cities some are disloyal, while others refuse to receive 
garrisons from the King. Thus he hardly knows 
which way to turn, surrounded as he is with open 
enemies, while his friends are few and weak. What- 
ever efforts he may make to muster his troops, it will 
be too late, for he has to deal with an enemy near at 
hand and well prepared. 

The only .man I am surprised at is the Duke of 
Mercoeur;^ I cannot understand his taking up arms 

^ Compare vol. i. 219, 22b. For the war between Turkey and Persia, 
see Creasy, History of the Ottoman Turks, chap, xii , and Von Hammer, 
bks. xxxviii. and xl. Peace was concluded in 1590, Persia ceding Tabriz, 
Shirwan, and Georgia. 

• Philippe Emmanuel, Marquis de Nomeny, son of Nicolas Comte 
de Vaudemont and Due de Mercoeur, married Marie, daughter and 
heiress of Sebastian de Luxembourg, Vicomte de Martigues and Due de 
Penthi^vre. (See page 80.) He succeeded his father as Due de Mer- 
coeur in 1577, and was appointed Governor of Brittany in 1582. During 
the civil wars after Henry I XL's death, he aspired to make himself inde- 
pendent. With this view he negotiated with Philip II., and introduced 
Spanish troops into Brittany. He maintained his position till 1598, 
when he was obliged to surrender to Henry IV. He then entered the 
service of the Emp. ror Rodolph, and fought in Hungary against the 
Turks. He died at Nuremberg on his way home in 1602. His only 
daughter and heiress was married to Caesar, Due de Vend6me, Henry IV. 's 
son by Gabrielle d'Estr^es. In a caricature described by dePEstoile (ii. 
230) representing the chiefs of the League, the motto given to the Due de 
Mercoeur is * Symbolum ingratitudinis.' 



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EPERNOISrS HAT. 245 

against the King, when he is brother to the Queen, 
and has lately received great promotion from the King. 
He has, however, had some provocation, inasmuch as 
he has been deprived of certain privileges which his 
predecessors in the government of Brittany enjoyed, 
these having been transferred to the Duke of Joyeuse 
as Admiral of France.^ 

Orleans, the most important town after Paris, has 
declared for the Guises. Caen, on the coast of Nor- 
mandy, which is commanded by the strong fortifica- 
tions of its citadel, is in the hands of the Marquis of 
Elboeuf ; the citadel is held by d*0, who was formerly 
one of the King's mignons, but has now attached himself 
to the party of the Guises. The Duke of Aumale has 
seized several other places, and the Duke of Joyeuse 
is on the march to recover them. The younger 
Lansac, who is also a Guisite, has garrisoned Blaye, 
near Bordeaux, and will prove a thorn in the side of 
that town if it remains loyal to the King.^ De Brissac ^ 
holds the citadel of Angers. And thus, through the 
length and breadth of the country, numbers are revolt- 
ing and bidding defiance to the King. An attempt 
has also been made to seize Marseilles, but it proved 
unsuccessful. These changes in the aspect of affair^ 
have made the Duke of Epernon a little more cour- 
teous ; he used to be so supercilious that when mem- 
bers of the royal family spoke to him and removed 
their hats, he kept his on his head ; but now he has 

1 See Letter XXXVII. 

^ For Lansac's piracies, see De PEstoiU, ii. 361. 

' Charles de Coss^-Brissac, nephew of Mar^chal Coss^ (p. 8), He 
acted as Strozzi's lieutenant (see note p. 146). Froude in his account of 
the French expedition to the Azores calls him * the Huguenot de Brissac,* 
whereas he was one of the chiefs of the League. For his attempted 
seizure of Angers, see Mezeray, iii. 769, 770. He was appointed Go- 
vernor of Paris by Mayenne at the request of the Spanish Ambassadors 
in 1594. Mezeray, iii. uoi-2. 



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^46 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

the grace to put his hand to his hat. This has given 
rise to a popular joke, that Epernon has at last found 
out where his hat is ! 

The King has sent deputies all round the country 
to calm the storm, but they do not bring back any 
offers of a compromise. 

The Queen Mother is still staying with Guise, and 
is oftentimes obliged to hear him speak of her son in 
terms of bitter complaint. The Cardinal de Bourbon 
is also with the Duke of Guise. Previous to his arrival 
the latter used to protest against any application being 
made to himself with reference to the rising, declaring 
that he was not in command, but simply a private 
gentleman fighting for the Holy League. The Arch- 
bishop of Lyons is ^ also there, as the King's represen- 
tative, with very extensive powers. Unless they come 
to terms the prospect for France is desperate, and we 
are therefore anxiously awaiting the Queen's ^ return, 
which will either mark the happy conclusion of a peace 
with the party of the Guises or furnish the date for the 
commencement of a disastrous war. According to 
some,^ one of the terms of peace will be the restoration 
of Cambrai to the King (Philip), which shows how 
little the Guises care to hide the fact that in taking up 
arms they are acting in concert with Spain. 

The Queen of England, who sees the serious effect 
of this movement to herself, is, they say, offering the 
King 6,000 horse, to be hired at her expense, and to 
consist of Englishmen or Switzers, as the King shall 
decide. The King of Navarre also offers a strong 
force of his partisans, fearing, as he well may, that he 
is the real object of attack. 

Without doubt your Imperial Majesty will have 

* See note i, p. 260. 

^ See Ranke, Civil Wars and Monarchy in France, chap, xxil 



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THE ANTWERP BRIDGE. 247 

heard that the Marquis of Richebourg and sundry 
others were killed at the Antwerp bridge;^ they say 
that the Seigneur de Billy is also amongst the slain. 

I am afraid I shall not be able to send despatches as 
freely as before, since the roads to Metz and Nancy 
are occupied by the soldiers of the two contending 
parties, who examine and tear to pieces all communica- 
tions ; indeed, I have my doubts as to whether this 
very letter will be able to get through safely. 

April 25, 1585. 



LETTER L. 

Guise has taken the town of Verdun,^ slaying several 
of its defenders. It is believed that Lyons and Nantes 
have also gone over to the Guises. 

There is news from England of a fresh conspiracy. 
The Earl of Arundel,^ who was concerned in it, has 
been arrested. 

April 28, 1585. 



LETTER LL 



The war is thickening apace, yet nothing has happened 
deserving special mention. The clergy are said to be 
furnishing the King with 100,000 crowns a month, on 
condition of his shortening the term within which, ac- 
cording to his previous decree, the Huguenots must 
leave the country. He has acceded to this demand, 
as your Majesty will see by reading the enclosed pro- 

* The Marquis of Richebourg and the Seigneur de Billy, a distinguished 
Portuguese officer, were both killed. See Motley, United Netherlands y i. 
191-196. 

* See thuanus^ iv. 10. ' See Froude, chap. Ixvii. 



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248 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

clamation ; ^ but even this has failed to convince the 
people that the King really and honestly shares the 
views of the League, and has joined the party ; for, 
according to some, it is only a device to extract. money, 
and when he has gained his object he will turn his 
coat ! Time will show. 

A small party of Huguenot soldiers, not twenty in 
number, created a panic by seizing the citadel of An- 
gers ; * the excitement was increased by the news that 
the Prince of Cond6 was coming ; he had crossed the 
Loire, they said, and quartered his soldiers in the 
suburbs. All the troops that could be got together 
were hurried off to Angers, as well as the Swiss guard, 
and thither went all the leaders, Joyeuse, Epernon, 
Mayenne, and Biron. 

But Cond4 finding himself surrounded by such 
powerful forces; and seeing that he would not be able to 
reach the citadel, abandoned his design and retired 
across the Loire ; he then broke up his army, and 
sought safety in the country occupied by his own gar- 
risons. Meanwhile it was the common talk, and gene- 
rally believed, that he had been taken prisoner while 
crossing some river or other, but it soon became 
clear that the story had no foundation. Shortly 
after this affair the King recalled his forces, which 
have suffered severely from the incessant rains and the 
hardships of an autumn campaign ; neither have they 
altogether escaped the epidemic which is now raging. 

The inhabitants of Auxonne, a town in Burgundy, 
have accused their commander' of high treason, 

* The grant was made by the deputies of the Clergy assembled at 
the Abbey of Saint-Germain des Pr^s, on October 2, and on the i6th, a 
second Edict against the Huguenots was published ordering them to 
conform or leave the kingdom within fifteen days. — De rEstoiUy ii. 213. 

' See Thuanus, iv. 50 seq. 

* The Seigneur de Tavannes, appointed Governor by the League. 
S^e De VEstoiUy ii. 216. 



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THE PAPAL BULL, 249 

charging him with intending to admit a Spanish gar- 
rison into the citadel, and under cover of this assertion 
they are pulling down a large part of the fortifications. 

The men of Lyons levelled their citadel to the 
ground some time ago, and people say the King has 
given orders that the citadel of Angers shall be treated 
in the same way. So there is a great dismantling of 
fortifications in France, while in other parts new ones 
are being built. 

I shall enclose the Papal Bull ^ declaring Navarre 
and Cond6 incapable of succeeding to the throne of 
France. What effect it will have God only knows ; 
for my own part, I am afraid it will be the signal for 
greater disturbances. Still the King, they say, has 
confiscated all the property of Navarre on which he 
could lay his hands, and placed it in the custody of the 
Cardinal de Vendome,^ the owner s cousin. 

The Bishop of Paris has gone to Rome, as the 
King's Ambassador, to treat for the appropriation of 
ecclesiastical property to the sei'vice of the State, and, 
no doubt, concerning other matters as well. 

Again, a new Ambassador ^ of high rank is on his 
way to Constantinople ; his policy, I imagine, will be 
anything but favourable to the peace of Germany, 
There is nothing they are so much afraid of here as 
German reiters, and they have apparently come to the 
conclusion that the best way of keeping them employed 
elsewhere is to threaten their country with a Turkish 
war. 

I understand that one packet of the despatches I 

* Dated August 28, 1585. Published in Paris towards the end of 
September. — De PEstoile, ii. 210. See Motley, United Netherlands^ i. 132. 

'^ Brother of the Prince de Cond^. After his uncle's death he assumed 
the title of Cardinal de Bourbon, see note, page 7. 

' M. Savary de Lancosme, nephew of M. de Villequier, one of the 
King's favourites. 



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«So LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

wrote in May is missing. I cannot tell where it was 
stopped. I sent it by way of Brussels as the safest 
route. My present letter will also go by the same 
road, but I shall take furcher precautions to ensure its 
safety. I trust that the missing packet will also eventu- 
ally reach your Majesty. 

Paris: November 15, 1585. 



LETTER LII. 



Although nothing worth recording has happened 
since I last wrote, nevertheless I take up my pen be- 
cause I have a chance of sending a letter, which does 
not often occur now-a-days. 

The Duke of Mayenne's forces are now in close 
contact with the enemy, and we shall soon see in what 
direction he is moving, and his prospects of success in 
the campaign. 

The King has made up his mind not to allow 
a single Huguenot, or indeed anyone who is not a 
Catholic, to remain in France ; consequently all who 
do not care to change their religion are leaving the 
country. A few days ago a petition was presented 
to the King on behalf of certain women and girls, 
imploring leave to remain in France under his pro- 
tection, and promising that they would live in retire- 
ment and give offence to no one. The King would 
not grant their request, but took care that they should 
not be injured, and sent them to England under his 
safe conduct. 

As to the rest, the King is wrapt up in his new 
religious services, and lives like a hermit. People are 
afraid his health will be affected by the austerities he 



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ENGLAND AND THE NETHERLANDS. 251 

practises, or that he will become the victim of some 
superstitious craze. 

The Queen of England is openly taking Holland 
and Zealand, with certain towns besides, under her 
protection, and has issued a proclamation to that effect. 
I cannot say whether she will give much help to places 
at a distance from the sea, but the maritime position 
of England renders it probable that the towns on the 
coast will derive great assistance from her powerful 
navy. 

So, at any rate, the war will be prolonged, with all 
its sufferings and all its uncertainties, while the blockade 
by sea will bring the other provinces of the Nether- 
lands into danger of starvation. 

December 6, 1585. 



LETTER LIII. 



There is a report that German cavalry is already on 
the march for France. The King has despatched the 
Duke of Epernon to his command at Metz, where 
there have been great Protestant disturbances. 

December 8, 1585. 



LETTER LIV. 



Navarre, having shaken off the enemy, determined to 
assault the faubourgs of Paris. I lately hinted at the 
probability of such a movement. Marching with all 
his forces on the capital, he stormed and sacked the 
four faubourgs of the Universit^^ each of which is as 

^ ' Paris est divisd comme en trois villes par la riviere de Seine qui 
passe au milieu. . . . L'autre partie, qui est k gauche de ladicte riviere, 
est nomm^e TUniversit^/ — Palma Cayet, Histoire de la Ligue^ i. 25 1. The 



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252 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

big as a good-sized town. The garrison, which con- 
sisted of citizens, was severely handled, as Navarre's 
men contrived to slip in between them and the city 
walls, and thus cut off their retreat Many of them 
were taken prisoners, and more of them killed, no 
quarter being given except to those who could convince 
their captors that they had the amount of their ransom 
in hard cash in their houses. The number slain and 
captured is believed to be at least 2,000. The day 
after this defeat Mayenne entered the city. Na- 
varre, after halting for a time and offering battle, 
retreated a few miles from Paris with his booty and 
prisoners. He next retook Etampes, which the enemy 
had occupied ; although it is an open town, the position 
is important from its commanding the road to Paris 
from the principal corn-growing districts. Mayenne, 
they say, can still muster a considerable force, but, as 
he has not the means of paying his troops, his presence 
is more a burden to the Parisians than an advantage. 
Whatever the enemy has either not found out or not 
thought worth taking, becomes their booty. Thus the 
Parisians suffer equally from friend and from foe. No 
wonder provisions get scarce, and Paris begins to feel 
the effects of war in all their bitterness. Perhaps win- 
ter and the difficulty of finding money will bring the 
first act of this tragedy to a close, and then each party 
will endeavour to support their cause by convening 
the. Estates of the Kingdom. The Lorraine party, the 

four faubourgs were those of St Germain, St. Jacques, St. Marceau, and 
St. Victor. 

The famous La Noue on this occasion attempted to enter Paris by 
wading along the side of the Seine immediately under the Tour de Nesle, 
so as to land on the Quai des Augustins. Unfortunately, he rashly led 
the way himself, and keeping too close to the foot of the tower, where the 
water happened to be deepest, suddenly got out of his depth, and was 
nearly drowned. The enterprise consequently proved a failure. 



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NAVARRE AT TOURS. 253 

towns, and the Order of the Clergy will meet at Paris ; 
Navarre and the leading nobles at Tours. He will 
there, probably, do all he can to have some kind of 
Coronation service performed, in order to increase his 
authority, and justify his assumption of the title of 
' Royal Majesty/ ^ He will not however remain quite 
idle in the meantime, but will carry on operations in 
Berry, the Orleanais, Brittany, and elsewhere, as oppor* 
tunities may occur. At Tours he will be able, should 
it prove desirable, to treat with the young Duke of 
Guise, the Cardinal de Bourbon, and the other prisoners,^ 
with a view to a general pacification. Many are sure 
that negotiations will be opened, and that steps have 
already been taken in this direction with some pros- 
pects of success. I remain your Imperial Majesty's 
most humble servant. 

November 13, 1589.* 



* The Cardinal de Bourbon, Henry IV.'s uncle, the Prince de 
Joinville, son and successor to Henry, Duke of Guise, and the Due 
d'Elboeuf had been arrested by Henry Ill/s orders, on December 23, 
1588, the day of Guise's assassination. Others, who had been arrested 
at the same time, had been executed, had escaped, or had been released, 
but these three still remained in close custody. The Cardinal was con- 
fined at Fontenay, and the two Dukes at Tours. 

^ Between this letter and the last intervenes a period of nearly four 
years. See vol. i. p. 69. From the purchase-deed of the Seigneury oF 
Bousbecque and Parma's Sauve-garde (see Appendix), we know that 
Busbecq continued to reside in France as the agent of Elizabeth. This 
letter was written three months after the assassination of Henry III, 
After that event Navarre had been obliged to retreat to Normandy 
pursued by the Duke of Mayenne. The latter, however, after his attack 
on Henry at Arques had failed, retired to Amiens and left the way 
open for his enemy to make a dash on Paris. 



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254 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 



LETTER LV. 

Navarre has retaken Vend6me by storm. This strong 
town, which forms part of his hereditary possessions, 
had been lost by the governor's treason. The gover- 
nor, who was a man of noble birth, was captured. In 
order to mark the heinousness of his offence his throat 
was cut, while a prior of a Dominican monastery, who 
had been sent from Paris to preach there, was hanged,^ 
He next received the surrender of Le Mans, a rich 
and famous town ; such at any rate is the report, but 
it is not positively confirmed. It is certain that money 
is being secretly sent to Paris by the King of Spain, 
but I am afraid not as much as they require. When 
people have to supply their allies with money they soon 
get tired! Six loaded waggons are starting from 
Antwerp for Paris ; large supplies of gunpowder are also 
said to be coming by the same channel. 

November 29, 1589. 



LETTER LVI. 



There is a rumour that Navarre has been crowned at 
Tours by Cardinal de Lenoncourt, the Archbishop of 
Rheims,^ four other bishops being present or assisting 
at the ceremony. Some people add that he attended 

* The governor was de Maill^-Brez^, Seigneur de Benehart ; and the 
monk was a cordelier named Robert Chess^ or Jessd. Thuanus (v. 32) 
gives an account of their execution. The monk died like a brave man, 
the governor like a coward. 

^ Philippe de Lenoncourt, Bishop of Chilons-sur-Marne, and after- 
wards of Auxerre, Cardinal of San Onofrio. It is a disputed point 
whether he ever actually became Archbishop of Rheims. See Gallia 
Christiana^ ix. 156. 



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NAVARRE S PROGRESS. 255 

divine service according to the Catholic rite. Others 
deny this ; but admit that, in the speech which he made 
on the occasion, he declared that as regarded religion he 
would soon give them such satisfaction that no one 
would have any just ground for complaint left. They 
say that he has appointed Montmorency Constable of 
France; he is expected to come to Tours and do 
homage to the King on his Coronation. There is no 
longer any doubt of the capture of the town of Le 
Mans, nor does the mischief stop there, for some 
assert, that Chartres, a wealthy and fortified city, has 
gone over to Navarre. He has for some time been 
master of the territory of Bourges, and negotiations 
are now in progress, they say, for the surrender of the 
town itself. There is the same news about Melun, 
which lies on the Seine above Paris ; the position is 
important for preventing the introduction of provisions 
into the capital. Further, some would have it believed 
that the governor of the port of Havre de Grice in 
Normandy is ready to come to terms with Navarre. 
If even a part, and much more if all, of these rumours 
be true, it is serious news for the Parisians. They are 
now busy counting the Spanish money, which, they 
say, amounts to 300,000 crowns. Still, I cannot see 
that they have any trustworthy resources to support 
their resistance, and I am consequently afraid that, 
when Navarre returns, Paris will fall. According to 
some he is to be expected shortly, others say not till 
spring. I have great fears for the town where I am 
now staying, and am therefore obliged to look out for 
a new hiding place, as I would fain avoid the horrors 
which occur when a city is taken by storm. The 
Marquis of Pont-a-Musson ^ has crossed into Flanders, 

* Henry, eldest son and successor of Charles, Duke of Lorraine. He 
sometimes bears the title of Duke of Bar. He married in 1599 



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256 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

intending to return from there either through Brabant 
or through Hainault and Namur. The Council at 
Paris, which was called the Council of the Union,^ is 
said to have been dissolved, and the supreme authority 
again restored to the Parliament, which issues decrees 
in the name of Charles X. i.e. the Cardinal de Bourbon. 
It is to be feared, however, that the Parliament, which 
was removed to Tours by the late King Henry, is the 
stronger of the two. The Duke of Parma is said to 
be suffering from illness, I do not know the exact 
nature of his complaint, but it is certainly a dangerous 
one. The troubles of the times will greatly hinder the 
Queen of France (Elizabeth of Austria, the widow of 
Charles IX.) from receiving and enjoying her property 
and rents in this kingdom as usual. At the utmost 
they will be barely sufficient for half the necessary 
expenses of the maintenance of herself and her house- 
hold. I have already ventured, I think, to call your 
Majesty's attention to the Queen's position in this 
respect, and now that this curtailment of her income is 
at hand I have judged it to be my duty to repeat the 
warning. I trust your Majesty will consider how the 
Queen is to be provided for, until this storm has 
passed by. 

December 14, 1589. 

Catherine, Henry IV.'s sister (see note, page 51). After her death he 
married Margaret de Gonzaga, daughter of the Duke of Mantua. He 
died in 1624. He had taken part in Mayenne's autumn campaign 
against Henry, and was now on his way home from Amiens, where he had 
been detained some time by illness. 

* * Mayenne exposa la n^cessit^ d'^tablir un conseil g^n^ral de Tunion, 
dont Pautorit^ seroit reconnue par toute la France. Des designations 
pour ce conseil supreme ^toient d^jk faites par le conseil particulier de la 
ville. II en donna le r61e ; on y trouvoit trois ^v^ques, de Meaux, de 
Senlis et d'Agen, six cur^s de Paris, sept gentilshommes, vingt-deux 
bourgeois de Paris ; ce qui, avec lui-m6me pour president et un secre- 
taire, formoit quarante membres.'— .S';V/«f7«^/, xx. 472. 



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THE SULTAN'S OFFERS OF ASSISTANCE. 257 



LETTER LVII. 

A MEETING of the States-General of the kingdom has 
been summoned at Tours by Navarre to consider the 
state of the country, and to take measures for punishing 
the Kings murderers. The 15th of March is the day 
appointed for their meeting. The Pope's Legate/ who 
has been long expected at Paris, stopped at Dijon on 
the way. Thither he summoned the people of Lan- 
gres, and invited them to abandon Navarre and acknow- 
ledge Charles X. (the Cardinal de Bourbon) as King. 
On their refusal, he laid them under an Interdict, and 
transferred their bishopric to Dijon.^ People think he 
entered Paris three days ago. There is a report going 
about here of the arrival of a Turkish fleet, but it is 
doubtful, afid does not rest on any good authority. 
The Sultan, they say, has written to Navarre, under- 
taking to supply him with whatever he may want 
against Spain.^ People are anxiously waiting to see 
at what point Navarre will make his next attack. He 
has taken several important cities in Normandy. Some 
think he intends to besiege Rouen,^ which is already 
exhausted by the calamities of -war. Things, how- 

^ He was Cardinal Caietano, brother of the Duke of Sermoneta. He 
arrived in Paris on January 5. 

^ The people of Dijon eleven years before had been desirous of having 
a. separate bishopric, but were prevented by the opposition of the Bishop 
and Chapter of Langres, in which diocese Dijon was situated.— 6^rt///« 
Christiana, iv. 637. 

' These reports were not unfounded. Sultan Amurath had in fact 
written to Navarre promising protection against Spain, and offering to 
send a fleet of 200 sail to Aigues-Mortes. — Colleciion des Documents 
Inddits sur VHistoire de France, Le tires Missives de Henri /K, iii. 364. 
Part of the letter is quoted by Motley, United Netherlands, iii. 48. 

* The citadel of Rouen was actually betrayed to the Royalists on 
February 19, but was recovered by Aumale four days afterwards. 

VOL. II. * ,S 



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25S LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

ever, are not yet ripe for this, nor has he troops 
enough for such an undertaking, but for us forces are 
being raised, and will soon be ready. The result of 
Mayenne s enterprises remains to be seen. His plan 
seems to have been to demolish all the forts of the 
enemy on the Seine, and so free the navigation of the 
river from Rouen up to Paris. This he will not find 
an easy task, especially with Navarre so near at hand. 
In proof of this the fort of Meulan,^ before which, as I 
mentioned, he sat down, shows no signs of alarm, and 
does not seem likely to yield easily to his attacks. 
The reputation of both generals is at stake ; the ques- 
tion being, whether Mayenne shall abandon his enter- 
prise, or Navarre allow his friends to be destroyed 
before his eyes, or either commander refuse to engage 
when offered battle by the other. 

I hear, to my great astonishment, that the King of 
Scotland has married the eldest daughter of the King 
of Denmark, as I thought Navarre's sister was in- 
tended for him. In the Netherlands the Duke of 
Parma, they say, has taken offence at something or 
other, and has therefore withdrawn himself from almost 
all the duties of his position, and avoiding the crowded 
Court has for some time past allowed himself to nurse 
his vexation, and that Councillor Richardot has on 
that account been sent to the King of Spain. 

To the other cities that Navarre has taken in a 
short time, they think Evreux will soon be added. 
Though it is not a strongly fortified town, it is the 
seat of a bishopric and a county. It is ten miles 
from here. He has already occupied the suburbs. 
Both this town and the whole neighbourhood were 
greatly terrified at the news, fearing a similar fate, 

* The siege began on January 9, and was raised in the middle of 
February. Aubignd^ Histoire, vol. iii. bk. iii. ch. iv; Thuanus, v. 41-3. 



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THE SIEGE OF PARIS. 259 



but he seems to intend to direct his march against 
Rouen, for he sent a trumpeter thither to sum- 
mon them to surrender, and to threaten them with 
destruction, if they refused. At the crash of so many 
towns falling all around it, Rouen appears to be horror- 
struck, and therefore to desire peace at any price. On 
this Navarre builds his hopes. Meanwhile the siege 
of the fort of Meulan, of which I spoke, goes on very 
languidly.* 



LETTER LVIII. 



Mayenne has arrived at Meaux with his army. He 
is, however, too weak to raise the siege of Paris, or 
to engage the King with a fair prospect of success. 
When offered battle he declined it, and withdrew to a 
safe position. The King thought this an additional 
reason for pressing the siege. Though he had ef- 
fected a lodgment in the suburbs, yet the parts of 
them which were nearest the city were more in the 
citizens* power than his own. He therefore resolved 
to push forward his entrenchments to the walls of the 
city. This operation was executed in a single night, 
the breastwork bi the besiegers being carried up to 
the very gates. Thenceforth no one was able to 
enter or leave Paris' without his permission. Mean- 
while the famine was growing so sore, that it seemed 
impossible for them to hold out much longer, and 
more than 1 2,000 perished of hunger. The inhabitants, 

^ This letter is not dated, but from the mention of the Legate's arrival 
and the siege of Meulan, it appears to have been written towards the end 
of the first half of January 1590. Busbecq was probably then at Mantes, 
the place from which the next letter was written. Mantes is about 
twenty-five English miles from Evreux, which corresponds roughly with 
ten of Busbecq's miles. See vol. i. page 82, note. 

s 2 



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26o LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

however, bore their sufferings patiently, and preferred 
to hold out to the bitter end rather than abandon the 
cause for which they were fighting. They were sus- 
tained in this resolve by the promises of the Spanish 
Ambassador and the Papal Legate, who declared that 
the Duke of Parma himself was on the point of 
coming with a mighty army to their relief, an asser- 
tion which was soon afterwards verified. Parma ar- 
rived at last, after negotiations for peace had actually 
been opened. On the 6th of this month the Cardinal 
de Gondi and the Archbishop of Lyons, the Primate 
of Gaul,^ went under a safe-conduct to the King. 
They failed to come to terms, but the negotiations 
were adjourned, in the hope that a further interchange 
of views might lead to peace. Finally, it was agreed 
that three commissioners on each side should meet at 
the fortress of Nanteuil ^ and the mansion of Schom- 

* Pierre d'Espinac was bom in 1540, and became Archbishop of 
J-yons in 1574. He was Speaker, or Prolocutor, of the States-General 
held at Blois in 1 576. Catherine de Medici, when the Leaguers first took up 
arms, sent him to negotiate with them (seep. 246.) However, he went over 
to that party, and was thenceforth one of the strongest partisans of the 
League. According to his own account, he was forced to take this step 
by the insults he received from Epemon, the King's favourite ; his ene- 
mies, on the other hand, asserted that his motive was the hope of gaining 
a Cardinal's hat. After the assassination of Guise, at Blois, in December 
J 588, the Archbishop was one of those arrested, and he shared the prison 
of the Cardinal, the brother of the murdered duke. Each expected to 
meet the same fate, and each confessed to the other, and received abso- 
lution at his hands. The Cardinal was put to death the following day 
without trial, but the Archbishop's life was spared. On his trial he refused 
to answer when interrogated by the judges, on the ground that, as Arch- 
bishop and Primate, he was subject only to the jurisdiction of the Pope, 
or of delegates appointed by him. He was then imprisoned at Amboise. 
On his release he again joined the League, and was Mayenne's strongest 
partisan. He died in 1599, refusing to the last to acknowledge Henry IV. 
— Thuanusy v. 855. 

^ Nanteuil-le-Haudoin, 49 kilometres, or about 31 English miles, from 
Paris. Busbecq's * French miles ' must therefore be leagues. The chateau 
had been purchased by Schomberg from the Guises in 1578, and he derived 
from it his title of Comte de Nanteuil. 



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PEACE NEGOTIATIONS. 261 

berg, nine French miles from Parish The prospects 
of peace thus appeared to be improving, when letters 
of Mayenne to his mother and wife were intercepted, 
in which he exhorted them to hold out a little longer, 
and told them that he was actually on the march to 
their relief ; there was no fear, he added, that he would 
demean himself by acknowledging a heretic as his 
King, or by coming to terms with him. The King 
showed these letters to the Cardinal and Archbishop, 
and was on the point of breaking off negotiations, but 
at their entreaty he finally consented to await the day 
which had been fixed for the termination of the armis- 
tice, namely, the 26th of this month. He did not 
sacrifice much by this concession, as he had already 
decided to wait for a picked body of horse and foot, 
under Nevers and the Vicomte de Turenne, whom he 
expected in a few days. He only withdrew his cannon 
from the gates of Paris, and deposited them in St. 
Denis with his other heavy baggage, that he might 
have his hands free, if he were obliged to fight or 
should be summoned elsewhere, it being his usual 
practice to leave his baggage behind, when he under- 
takes any operation. Apart from this he made no 
change, and did not move a single soldier from his 
position under the ramparts of Paris. 

In case of an engagement taking place, the news 
will in all probability reach your Majesty before my 
account of it arrives. Therefore, in order that your 
Majesty may be in a better position to estimate the 
value of such reports, I feel it my duty to submit for 



^ The appointment of these commissioners, and the seizure of Mayenne's 
letters, are mentioned by Busbecq, and, as far as we have been able to 
discover, by Busbecq alone. These facts are not noticed by Sismondi. 
As has been already remarked (vol. i. page 64, note), these letters have 
apparently entirely escaped the notice of historians. 



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262 LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 

your consideration a sketch of both generals, the 
King and Mayenne, and their several forces. The 
contest will be one between two famous leaders, 
in the prime of life and at the height of their renown, 
one of whom, Mayenne, will give up the command to 
Parma, and will fight as his subordinate. The King 
is a thorough soldier, and a general of the greatest 
experience. When all his forces are concentrated, he 
will have, it is thought, some 20,oco infantry and 6,000 
cavalry. The latter for the most part is composed of gen- 
tlemen, well armed and splendidly mounted. Of French 
infantry people think he will have 13,000, and of Swiss, 
with whom are a few Germans, 7,000. The ^lite of 
his foot consists of a body of four or five thousand 
Gascon veterans. All his troops, horse and foot alike, 
are devoted to their King, by whom they are accus- 
tomed to be led, and whose presence inspires them with 
confidence. Moreover, the King has with him veteran 
generals of great experience, whose advice and 
assistance are invaluable; namely, Biron, d'Aumont, 
La Noue, and many others. Round him too have 
gathered the Princes of the Bourbon blood, with the 
leading gentlemen from every part of France. 

With regard to Parma and Mayenne, in point of 
generalship there is not much to choose between them, 
but it must be admitted that the latter is a most un- 
lucky commander, while the former is a favourite of 
fortune, as is proved by his long list of successes in 
the Netherlands, and in this respect he may fairly be 
considered a match for the King. Their united in- 
fantry, as report goes, amounts to 1 7,000, while their 
cavalry is a little under 5,000 strong. Among their 
foot the Spaniards and Walloons are considered the 
best, and these, with the addition of some Italian com- 
panies, are not much over 4,000 strong. Next to these 



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COMPARISON BETWEEN NAVARRE AND PARMA, 263 

come the Germans ; the French and Lorrainers are 
the worst. 

The King and Parma are now wholly engaged in 
concocting devices against each other, the object being 
to inflict the maximum of damage with the minimum 
of loss to their own troops. To enable his men to 
resist the charge of the French cavalry, Parma en- 
closes his infantry with a fence formed of ropes of the 
strongest and thickest description, which are supported 
by stout stakes at regular intervals. Immediately be- 
hind the ropes he posts his musketeers, who can thus 
fire on the French horse in perfect security. All the 
musketeers have a store of double bullets fastened 
together with copper wire, which will be very effective 
against horses. The cannon also are loaded with 
chain-shot, and masked batteries are planted in good 
positions, with troops drawn up in front so as to con- 
ceal them from the enemy; at the critical moment 
they will open fire, and pour a withering volley among 
the horses of their assailants. 

Meanwhile the King is not idle. Every day he 
takes counsel with his craftiest and wisest captains, 
to see if they cannot devise a new mode of attack. 
Some weapon is to be invented or some wonderful 
manoeuvre to be executed, which is to discomfit the 
enemy. 

On each side, therefore, is a distinguished general 
and a powerful army. The King's forces are supposed 
to be somewhat larger than Parma's, and he has also 
a decided superiority in the composition of his troops, 
for, with a few exceptions, they are all men of the same 
nation and his own subjects, whereas Parma's forces have 
been recruited from various nations, and are to a large 
extent made up of raw levies, on whom not much re- 
liance can be placed. Again, the King has the great 



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264 LETTERS EROM FRANCE 

advantage of fighting on his own ground, that is to 
say, on ground which he has previously chosen and 
fortified, while Parma, by the circumstances of his po- 
sition, is compelled to attack at a disadvantage. 

Such are the premises ; whether they are sufficient 
for forming an opinion as to what the result of a 
battle would be, is more than I can say. They are 
valuable only in the same sense as the warnings of a 
sunset are valuable in enabling us to g^ess what 
weather we shall have to-morrow. Besides, it is mere 
guessing, and no more ; victory does not depend on 
scythed chariots, or horses, or on the number of sol- 
diers, or the abundance of munitions, but solely on the 
will of God. 

If I hkve lingered longer over this subject than has 
been agreeable, I trust I may be pardoned. That God 
may long preserve your Majesty is the prayer of your 
most humble servant 

Mantes, August 27, 1590.* 

' Little more than two years intervened between the date of this 
letter and the writer's death. See vol. i. pp. 70, 71. 



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APPENDIX. 



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CONTENTS OF APPENDIX. 



PAGE 

I. Sketch of Hungarian History .... 267 

II. Itineraries 284 

III. Editions .288 

IV. Original Documents : — 

L Patent of Legitimation of Ogier Ghiselin . . 292 

iL Patent of Knighthood of Ogier de Busbecq . 295 

iii Purchase Deed of the Seigneurie de Bousbecque 300 

iv. Copy of the Sauve-garde 303 

V. Pardon of Daniel de Croix for the homicide of 

Chariot Desrumaulx • . 305 

vi. Pardon of Jehan Dael for the homicide of Guilli- 

bert du Mortier . . ... • . 309 



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I. 

SKETCH OF HUNGARIAN HISTORY DURING 
THE REIGN OF SOLYMAN. 

In order that the reader may be able to appreciate the 
circumstances under which Busbecq's Turkish letters 
were written, and to understand many of the allusions 
they contain, it is necessary that he should have the 
power of referring easily to the leading events of Hunga- 
rian and Transylvanian history during the reign of SoJy- 
man. For Busbecq's French letters. Motley's * Dutch 
Republic ' and * United Netherlands ' may be con- 
sulted, but no such works in English upon Hungarian 
history exist. The narratives of Robertson and Creasy 
are meagre in this respect, and contain only scattered 
and incidental notices of Hungarian events ; while Von 
Hammer, and the Austrian and Turkish histories in 
Heeren s Series, valuable as they are, have not been 
translated into English, and besides are not easily 
accessible. None of these works give a connected 
narrative of Hungarian affairs, the notices of which 
are mixed up with the general Turkish and Austrian 
history, and have to be picked out from it with much 
time and trouble. It is hoped that this sketch will 
to some extent supply the deficiency, and furnish a 
clue to the intricate maze of Hungarian politics. Some 
curious facts have been gleaned from Katona's * Critical 
History of Hungary,' a rare book, which is mostly 
composed of original documents, including numerous 
letters written by Busbecq s colleague, Verantius, after 



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268 APPENDJX. 

he had returned from his embassy, and long extracts 
from Busbecqs own letters. 

During the sixteenth century Hungary formed the 
Debatable Land between Christendom and Islam. 
The picture whxh the * Lay of the Last Minstrel ' 
and the * Monastery ' give of the condition of the 
English and Scottish border, will suggest a faint 
notion of the state of things all along the frontier be- . 
tween the Turkish and the Christian dominions. Upon 
both sides continual, forays were made, villages were 
plundered and burnt, castles surprised, cattle driven 
off, and, worst of all, prisoners were carried away into 
hopeless slavery.^ Every few years these desultory 
hostilities broke out into open war, and, notwith- 
standing occasional successes of Ferdinand s party, the 
tide of Turkish invasion rose steadily higher and 
higher. In addition, the unfortunate country was dis- 
tracted by civil war, waged with varying success 
between Ferdinand and the House of Zapolya, the 
rivals for the throne, while the magnates of the king- 
dom went over from one side to the other, according 
as they thought they could thereby gain any advantage 
for themselves. 

Solyman, the greatest Sovereign of the House of 
Othman, was born in 1494, and succeeded his father, 
Selim I., in September 1520. The first year of his 
reign was marked by a campaign against Hungary, 
and the fall of Belgrade,^ the bulwark of that king- 
dom. Louis, the King of Hungary and Bohemia, was 
then a minor, and, in the party strife of the different 
factions of the nobility, the defence of the country was 
neglected. For several years Solyman*s attention was 
diverted to other enterprises, of which the most famous 

* See for example vol. i. p. 162, pp. 239-241, and p. 35i. 
^ See vol. i. p. 94. 



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SKETCH OF HUNGARIAN HISTORY. 269 

was the siege and capture of Rhodes in 1522, but in 
1526 he again invaded Hungary. On August 29, 
the anniversary of the capture of Belgrade, he defeated 
King Louis with great slaughter at Mohacz,^ the King 
himself perishing in the flight, and then advanced on 
Buda, which surrendered on September 10. Thence 
he crossed to Pesth, where he received the Hungarian 
nobles, and, after promising them to make John 
Zapolya, Count of Zips and Voivode or Viceroy of 
Transylvania, King of Hungary, returned laden with 
booty to Constantinople. 

Ferdinand, the brother of Charles V. and his suc- 
cessor as Emperor, and Zapolya were rivals for the 
crown of St. Stephen. The first relied upon family 
compacts, and upon his connection by marriage with 
King Louis.^ Zapolya, on the other hand, was sup- 
ported by a strong party among the nobles, who dis- 
liked Ferdinand as a foreigner. Zapolya's partisans 
took the initiative, and convened a diet at Tokay, at 
which he was elected King, and he was duly crowned 
at Stuhlweissenburg by the Archbishop of Gran. 
Mary, however, the widowed Queen, with the Palatine 
Bathory, assembled another diet at Presburg, which 
declared Zapolya's election void on the ground that the 
diet of Tokay had not been summoned by the Pala- 
tine, and elected Ferdinand King, who, after defeating 
his rival at Tokay in 1527, and near Kaschau in the 
following year, drove him out of the country. Zapolya 
then threw himself on Solyman s protection, offering 
to hold Hungary and Transylvania as his tributary, 
and a treaty of alliance was signed between them in 

1 See vol. i. pp. 94, 167, 407. 

2 Ferdinand and Louis had married each other's sisters. Mary, the 
wife of the latter, was afterwards Regent of the Netherlands for her 
brother Charles V. See Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic^ Part I. 
chap. i. 



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2 70 APPENDIX. 



February 1528. In the following year Solyman in- 
vaded Hungary for the third time, and took Buda on 
September 9. A few days afterwards Zapolya was 
again installed on the throne by the first lieutenant of 
the Aga of the Janissaries, and did homage for his 
kingdom. Leaving a Turkish governor in Buda, the 
Sultan then marched on Vienna, and besieged it on 
the 27th, but was obliged to abandon the siege on 
October 16, in consequence of the lateness of the 
season and the gallant resistance of the garrison and 
inhabitants.^ 

In the winter of 1530 Ferdinand's troops besieged 
Buda unsuccessfully. In the campaign of 1532 Charles 
V. came with the forces of the Empire to the assistance 
of his brother, and Styria and Austria were the seat of 
war. The Sultan was detained for three weeks before 
the little town of Glins by the gallantry of the com- 
mander Jurischitz, who at last surrendered on honour- 
able terms.^ The delay, however, prevented the Sultan 
from accomplishing anything considerable, though his 
army ravaged Styria and Austria, and penetrated as 
far as Gratz and Linz. 

In June 1533 peace was concluded between Ferdi- 
nand and Solyman on the basis of Ferdinand's retain- 
ing what he actually held in Hungary, the Sultan 
reserving to himself the ratification of any arrange- 
ments that Ferdinand and Zapolya might make between 
themselves. 

For some years afterwards Solyman's attention was 
devoted to his wars with Persia, and no invasion of 
Hungary on a large scale occurred ; but, notwithstand- 
ing the peace, the Pashas of Bosnia and the adjoin- 
ing districts continued their inroads. To check 
these incursions Ferdinand, in 1537, assembled at 

1 See vol. i. p. 410. ' See vol. i. p. 469. 



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SKETCH OF HUNGARIAN HISTORY. 271 

Kaproncza, on the Drave, an army of 16,000 foot 
and 8,000 horse, under the supreme command of 
Katzianer. He advanced on Essek, intending to 
besiege it, but was surrounded by clouds of light 
cavalry, who cut off his supplies and forced him to 
retreat After losing his siege-guns at the passage of 
the Vouka, he encountered the enemy on December i, 
and, after an unsuccessful engagement, fled in the night 
with some of the other generals. The troops that 
were left were cut to pieces the next day with their 
gallant commander, Lodron.^ .Katzianer was accused 
of causing the disaster by his cowardice, and was 
thrown into prison at Vienna. He escaped by bribing 
his gaolers, and fled to one of his castles in Croatia, 
where he entered into negotiations with the Turks, 
promising to betray the strong fortress of Kosthanitza. 
However, his treasonable designs were cut short; 
Count Nicholas Zriny, during an interview with him 
at one of his castles, treacherously stabbed him, and 
despatched him with the assistance of his servants. 
His body was flung from a window into the castle 
ditch, and his head was sent to Vienna. 

In 1538, under the mediation of Charles V., the 
treaty of Gross Wardein was concluded between 
Zapolya and Ferdinand. Zapolya was to retain the 
title of King during his life with Transylvania and the 
part of Hungary which was then in his actual pos- 
session, on his death his male issue was to succeed 
to Transylvania only, and by the same treaty both 
parties united in a league for mutual defence against 
the Turks. 

Zapolya had then neither wife nor child ; but he 
immediately afterwards married Isabella, the King of 
Poland's daughter, and, dying in July 1540, left by her 
* See vol. i. p. 166. 



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972 APPENDIX. 



a son — ^John Sigismund — who was bom a fortnight 
before his father's death. 

Ferdinand then claimed that, according to the terms 
of the treaty, he should be placed in possession of the 
whole of Hungary ; but Isabella, as guardian of her 
infant son, and the party opposed to Ferdinand, under 
the leadership of Martinuzzi, Bishop of Gross Wardein, 
refused to adhere to the treaty, caused the infant to be 
crowned, and appealed to the Sultan for protection. 
Ferdinand then entered the country, and besieged Buda, 
which was relieved by the Pasha of Belgrade. 

Solyman again invaded Hungary in 1541. On 
August 29 his troops occupied the gates of Buda, and 
he annexed that city to his dominions, making it the 
seat of a Pashalic, and placing a strong garrison in it. 
He declared, however, that he held it merely in trust 
for John Sigismund during his minority, and in the 
meantime appointed the latter Sanjak-bey of Transyl- 
vania, under the regency of Martinuzzi and Petrovich. 
The House of Zapolya held, in addition to Transyl- 
vania, most of the country to the north as far as the 
river Theiss. 

In 1543 Solyman again invaded Hungary, and took 
the cities of Gran and Stuhlweissenburg, or Alba Regia, 
the former being the primatial see of Hungary, and the 
latter the burial-place of her Kings. At the end of 
1544, Jerome Adomo, provost of Erlau, was sent by 
Ferdinand as internuncio to Solyman, with John Maria 
Malvezzi, a member of a noble family of Bologna, as 
secretary ; but he died shortly after his arrival at 
Adrianople, in March 1545. Malvezzi, aided by 
Nicholas Sicco, who was sent by Ferdinand as a new 
ambassador, and Veltwick, the ambassador of Charles V., 
then undertook the management of the negotiations, and 
concluded in November an armistice for eighteen months 



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SKETCH OF HUNGARIAN HISTORY. 273 

between Solyman on the one side, and Ferdinand and 
Charles on the other.^ This was followed, in June 1547, 
by a peace for five years, in which the Emperor, the 
Pope, France, and Venice were included, on the basis of 
uti possidetis^ Ferdinand paying the Sultan 30,000 
ducats a year, part of which sum was an equivalent for 
the territories of some of the nobles, who had formerly 
adhered to the Turkish side, and had afterwards gone 
over to Ferdinand, and part was termed by him a pre- 
sent, but was more justly considered by the Turks as 
tribute for the portion of Hungary which still remained 
in his possession. 

The Sultan's motive for concluding this treaty was 
his desire to turn his arms against Persia. Elkass 
Mirza, a brother of Shah Tahmasp, the reigning 
monarch, had taken refuge at his court in 1547,^ and in 
1548 Solyman led his troops into Persia, and obtained 
considerable successes. In the following year Elkass 
was captured by his brother in an expedition he had 
undertaken, and was confined in a fortress for the rest 
of his life. 

In July 1 55 1, at Martinuzzi's instigation, Isabella 
ceded Transylvania and the part of Hungary that 
remained in her hands to Ferdinand, in exchange for 
the towns of Ratibor and Oppeln in Silesia, and the 
Austrian troops, under the command of the Spaniard 
Castaldo, took possession of these territories.^ When 
Solyman heard this news, he summoned Malvezzi 
before him, who pledged his life that there was no 
ground for this report ; but, as he could not give 
satisfactory explanations, and fell back on the insuffi- 
ciency of his instructions, he was thrown into prison in 
the Black Tower of the Castle of Anatolia on the 

^ See vol. i. pp. 78, 79. * See vol. i. p. 301. 

8 See vol. i. pp. 79, 176. 

VOL. !!• T 



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274 APPENDIX. 

Bosphorus,^ the Sultan excusing this violation of inter- 
national law by the argument that an ambassador wa$ 
a hostage for the good faith of his master, and should 
suffer for any breach of it. From this incident it ap- 
pears that the post of ambassador at the Porte was 
by no means unattended with danger. 

Ferdinand rewarded Martinuzzi by procuring for 
him a Cardinal's hat, and appointing him Archbishop 
of Gran. Not content with these dignities, that wily 
politician made overtures to the Turks, with the ob- 
ject of gaining the sovereignty of Transylvania and 
Hungary for himself; but he was assassinated by 
Castaldo s officers acting under Ferdinand's orders, or, 
at any rate, with his connivance, at Alvincz, December 
i8, 1551. 

In 1552 the Turks recommenced their attacks on 
Hungary, which were attended with almost uniform 
success. In February they gained a victory at Szege- 
din ; in April, Wessprim was taken by Ali, the Pasha 
of Buda; and in July Temeswar fell. Its capture 
was followed by the loss of the rest of the Banat. On 
August 1 1, Ali Pasha defeated an army of Ferdinand's 
at Fulek, to the north of Buda, Sforzia Pallavicini was 
taken prisoner, and Sbardellatus Dudich, the Bishop 
of Waitzen, whom Busbecq calls by mistake the Bishop 
of Funfkirchen, was killed.^ Erlau, however, was be- 
sieged by Ali unsuccessfully. 

In April 1552, Ferdinand wrote to Roostem, the 
Grand Vizier, asking for Malvezzi's release, and for a 
safe conduct for two more envoys. In consequence, 
Malvezzi was removed to the Seven Towers, and his 
allowance was increased ; but he was still kept in close 
confinement. 

Fortunately for Ferdinand at this critical junc- 
* See vol. i. p. 80. ^ See vol. i. p. 236. . 



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SKETCH OF HUNGARIAN HISTORY. 275 

ture, a Persian invasion and the Sultan's domestic 
troubles created a diversion in his favour. In 1553 
the Sultan, on account of the mutinous disposition of 
the army, which had been sent to defend Armenia 
against the Persians, was obliged to take command of 
it in person. The most notable event of the campaign 
was the tragical end of Mustapha, Soly man's eldest 
and most promising son. The story of his cruel mur- 
der is narrated in pathetic words by our author in his 
first letter,^ though he is mistaken in placing the scene 
of it near Amasia, as Eregli, in Karamania, where it 
really happened, is about 250 miles from that city. To 
appease the indignation of the soldiery at the death of 
their favourite, the Grand Vizier Roostem was de- 
posed, and his office conferred on Achmet Pasha. 
Busbecq, during his visit to Amasia, in 1555, wit- 
nessed the conclusion of peace between the Sultan and 
the Shah. 

The Persian war relieved for a time the pressure 
on Hungary. Solyman granted a six months' armis- 
tice, and Francis Zay and Antony Wranczy or Ve- 
rantius, then Bishop of Flinfkirchen, and afterwards 
Bishop of Erlau, were sent as envoys to Constanti- 
nople.^ They arrived in August. They were in- 
structed to offer a tribute of 150,000 ducats for Hun- 
gary Proper, and 40,000 for Upper Hungary and 
Transylvania, The Viziers, however, told them that 
the abandonment of all claims to Transylvania was 
an indispensable preliminary to opening negotiations. 
Malvezzi was accordingly released, and sent to Vienna 
to receive further instructions from Ferdinand ; and it 
was arranged that the peace should be prolonged for five 
years, and that on account of the loss of territory Fer- 
dinand had sustained in Hungary the annual present or 
* See vol. i. pp. 111-118. * See vol. i. p. 80. 

T2 



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276 APPENDIX. 

tribute should be reduced to 1 5,000 ducats. The peace 
was not to be ratified till Malvezzi's return, but the truce 
was prolonged in the meanwhile. 

In May, 1554, Malvezzi was ordered to return, but 
he was prevented by illness, and Busbecq was sent in 
his stead.^ He arrived at Constantinople on January 
20, 1555, and proceeded in March, with Verantius and 
Zay, to the Sultan s headquarters at Amasia. They 
brought him a present of gilded cups, and 10,000 
ducats as tribute for Transylvania. They com- 
plained of the numerous breaches of the armistice 
on the part of the Turks, but, although they promised 
80,000 ducats to the Sultan and large sums to the 
chief viziers, they could only obtain an extension of 
the armistice for six months, and a letter from Soly- 
man to Ferdinand, with which Busbecq was sent to 
Vienna. 

On September 28, 1555, Achmet was executed, 
and Roostem reappointed Grand Vizier.^ 

Notwithstanding the truce of Amasia, guerilla raids 
on both sides continued all along the Hungarian fron- 
tiers. To check the incursions of the Heydons, 
Touighoun, the Pasha of Buda,^ attacked and took 
Babocsa ; and Ali, his successor, the victor of Flilek, 
with the same object, commenced the siege of Szigeth, 
on May 24, 1556, and assaulted the place a month 
later, but was repulsed with heavy loss. In the mean- 
time the Palatine Nadasty had besieged Babocsa, and 
Ali hastened with a detachment to relieve it, but was 
defeated with great loss on the river Rinya (July 25). 
Babocsa was then abandoned by the Turks, and 
fell into the hands of the Hungarians, who burnt it, 
and blew up the citadel. Ali resumed the siege of 

^ See vol. i. p. 81. ^ see voL i. p. 190. 

5 See vol. i. p. 85. 



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SKETCH Oli HUNGARIAN HISTORY. 277 

Szigeth, but was so weakened by his defeat, that he was 
obliged to raise it, retreating to Buda, where he died soon 
afterwards.^ The fall of Szigeth was thus postponed 
for ten years, when it was destined to be associated 
with the termination of a more glorious career, and 
the extinction of a more famous name.^ 

Meanwhile Transylvania had again passed into 
the possession of Isabella and her son. She had at 
first gone to the Silesian duchies, which Ferdinand 
had given in exchange for Transylvania ; but she was 
dissatisfied with them, and returned to her brother's 
court in Poland, where she entered into correspon- 
dence with her partisans in Transylvania. The cur- 
rent of feeling there ran strongly in her favour. The 
Spaniard, Castaldo, Ferdinand's governor, was igno- 
rant of the national laws and usages. His troops were 
left unpaid, and supported themselves by plundering 
the country. At last one corps after another mutinied 
for their pay, and marched out of Transylvania ; and 
Castaldo himself, unable to check the dissolution of 
his army, withdrew to Vienna. For a time anarchy 
prevailed in Transylvania; but in June, 1556, the in- 
habitants resolved to recall Isabella and her son. The 
envoys found her at Lemberg, and invited her to re- 
turn. The Voivodes of Moldavia and Wallachia en- 
tered Hungary to protect her passage, and on Octo- 
ber 22 she and her son entered Klausenburg in 
triumph.^ 

Meanwhile Bebek, the representative of Queen 
Isabella, was using every means in his power to thwart 
the efforts of Busbecq and his colleagues. The latter 
returned home in August, 1557. Verantius was re- 
warded with the bishopric of Erlau. As far back as 
June, 1555, allusions to the prospect of his appoint- 

^ See vol. L pp. 237-239. ^ See p. 282. ' See vol. i. p. 236. 



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278 APPENDIX. 

ment may be found, and the see had been kept vacant 
for him for more than a year before his actual transla- 
tion in November, 1557. His office was no sinecure. 
He was perpetually occupied in providing for the de- 
fence of his diocese, in writing to the Pasha of Buda 
to remonstrate against the continual invasions of the 
neighbouring Sanjak-beys, and in counterworking the 
intrigues of Zapolya's party. His remaining time and 
energies were devoted to attempts to check the spread 
of Lutheranism in his diocese. It may be remarked 
here that John Sigismund was much assisted by his 
patronage of Lutheranism. His court was the refuge 
of many Lutheran, and even of Socinian, teachers. 
An anecdote Verantius gives in one of his letters will 
show what a hold Lutheranism had obtained in parts 
of Hungary. When a fire, supposed to be the work 
of an incendiary, broke out in the monastery of Jasz- 
bereny, most of the inhabitants of the town refused to 
help to extinguish it, declaring that they would rather 
the Turks had the monastery than the monks. Zay, 
the other ambassador, was appointed Governor of 
Kaschau.^ 

In 1558 the fortress of Tata, near Komom, eight 
miles from the right bank of the Danube, was sur- 
prised by Hamza, Sanjak-bey of Stuhlweissenburg. 

Throughout the negotiations the Sultan insisted on 
the cession of Szigeth, but was induced in the winter 
of 1557 to grant a fresh armistice for seven months. 
In 1559 Ferdinand sent by Albert de Wyss ^ four pro- 
jects for a treaty, the first of which demanded the re- 
storation of Tata and Flilek, but the last omitted these 
conditions. The last was presented by Busbecq in 
the camp at Scutari to Solyman, but was not accepted 
by him ; and the Sultan, on his return to Constanti- 
* See vol. i. p. 348, note. * See vol. i. p. 297. 



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SKETCH OF HUNGARIAN HISTORY. 279 

nople, placed Busbecq in a sort of confinement in his 
house. 

In the beginning of 1559 the health of Queen 
Isabella began to fail, and Melchior Balassa, a great 
Transylvanian noble, wrote to Ferdinand proposing, 
on her death, to place Transylvania in his hands. 
This letter was intercepted, and sent to Isabella, who, 
having such a proof of the treachery of one of her most 
trusted adherents, thought it advisable to open nego- 
tiations with Ferdinand herself, and, with the Sultan's 
approval, did so through her brother the King of 
Poland. It was proposed that one of Ferdinand's 
daughters should marry John Sigismund, and that the 
latter should have Transylvania and Lower Hungary 
(the north-eastern part of Hungary, between Poland 
and Transylvania), but should abandon the title of 
King. These negotiations were broken off by her 
death, which took place at Karlsburg in September, 
and an attempt in the following year to renew them 
also came to nothing, as John Sigismund refused to 
renounce the title of King. 

In the winter of 1561 Andrew Bathory persuaded 
his brother Nicholas and Melchior Balassa to go over 
to Ferdinand's side.^ As soon as Ferdinand had re- 
covered the town of Munkatis, Balassa was to receive 
it for his life, with the right of maintaining a certain 
number, of soldiers at Ferdinand's expense, and, in 
return, to give up to Ferdinand various towns imme- 
diately to the north of Transylvania Proper, which were 
his possession. 

Roostem died in July 1561, and was succeeded by 
Ali, who proved much more pliant in his negotiations 
with Busbecq, and the latter at last succeeded in ob- 

* See vol i. p. 386. 



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28o APPENDIX. 

taining a peace for eight years. The principal stipu- 
lations of the treaty were as follows : ^ 

1. Ferdinand to pay an annual tribute of 30,000 
ducats, and also the arrears due in respect of the last 
two years. 

2. The Sultan engaged not to attack Ferdinand 
either directly, or by furnishing assistance to John 
Sigismund. He also undertook that John Sigismund 
should respect the territories of Ferdinand. 

3. Melchior Balassa and Nicholas Bathory, and 
others in a similar position, who had returned to their 
allegiance to Ferdinand, to be included in the peace 
with their property and lordships, and to be the vassals 
of Ferdinand and John Sigismund conjointly. 

4. If any of Ferdinand's subjects had been expelled 
from his property by the adherents of John Sigismund, 
or vice versdy no suits or proceedings to recover such 
property to be taken during the peace. 

5. If new and otherwise irreconcilable differences 
should arise between the contracting parties with regard 
to the limits of their jurisdiction, as a provisional arrange- 
ment the de facto subjects of each party at the com- 
mencement of the peace to remain so during its con- 
tinuance, and, in particular, certain villages near the 
Danube and the fortress of Tata, some of which were 
in Ferdinand's and some in the Sultan's possession, 
to remain respectively as they were, and those in Fer- 
dinand's possession not to be molested by the garrison 
of Tata. 

6. Any Turkish nobles who were in the power of 
any of Ferdinand's officers, either as fugitives or other- 
wise, to be released without ransom. 

^ This summary of the treaty is taken from a Latin version of the 
Turkish original made by John Spiegel, Ferdinand's first interpreter, 
which is usually printed with Busbecq's letters. 



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SKETCH OF HUNGARIAN HISTORY. 281 

7. Runaway slaves with any property they might 
have stolen to be mutually restored. 

8. Ferdinand's officers to be allowed to fortify and 
provision castles, towns, and villages on the borders of 
Hungary within their own territories. * 

9. Disputes about boundaries or the like between 
the subjects of the two parties to be settled by arbitra- 
tion, and the persons at fault punished as truce-breakers. 

ID. The treaty to be in force for eight years, 
and to be binding upon all the officers and subjects 
on both sides, particularly the Voivodes of MoMavia 
and Wallachia, and on John Sigismund, and none of 
Ferdinand's subjects or their property to be molested 
or injured in any way. Any property taken contrary 
to this stipulation to be restored to its owners, and 
any person taken prisoner to be released uninjured. 

1 1. Ambassadors and envoys to be granted full per- 
mission to travel in the Sultan's dominions, with liberty 
of ingress and egress to and from his court, and to 
be supplied with interpreters. 

On the arrival of Busbecq at Frankfort with 
Ibrahim, the first dragoman of the Porte, important 
differences were found to exist between the Turkish 
and Latin texts of the treaty. The former only in- 
cluded the barons who had already returned to their 
allegiance to Ferdinand, and not those who might 
afterwards do so ; it stipulated for the extradition of 
refugees, as well as that of brigands and rebels, and 
included the Voivodes of Moldavia and Wallachia. 
The Emperor demanded that these points should be 
corrected ; but his demands seem to have been in- 
effectual, and the Turkish incursions on the Hungarian 
frontier continued. 

Ferdinand died on July 25, 1564, and was suc- 
ceeded as Emperor by his son Maximilian, who had 



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i82 APPENDIX. 



been elected King of Hungary and Bohemia in his 
father s lifetime. Fighting still went on between him 
and John Sigismund on the frontiers of Transylvania. 
Szathmar was taken by the latter, and Tokay^ and 
Serenes by the former. The Grand Vizier Ali, who 
was inclined to peace, died in July 1565, and was 
succeeded by the more warlike Mehemet SokoUi. 
During 1565, the Sultan was fully occupied with the 
siege of Malta, but in the beginning of the following 
year war was declared against Hungary, Albert de 
Wyss, who had succeeded Busbecq as ambassador, 
was thrown into prison, and on May i Solyman 
started from Constantinople on his last campaign. 
His age and infirmities obliged him to quit the saddle 
for a carriage. 

On June 29 he received John Sigismund at Semlin, 
and intended to march on Erlau, but, hearing that 
Count Nicholas Zriny, the commander at Szigeth, had 
surprised and killed the Sanjak-bey of Tirhala, he 
resolved to make Szigeth the first object of attack. 
The siege commenced on August 5. Two furious 
assaults on the 26th and 29th were repulsed with great 
slaughter. On September 8, Zriny, finding he could 
hold out no longer, set the fortress on fire, sallied forth, 
sword in hand, at the head of the garrison, and met a 
soldier's death. The Turks poured into the citadel, 
intent on murder and plunder ; but the fire reached the 
powder-magazine, which blew up, burying in the ruins 
more than three thousand men. Solyman did not live 
to witness his triumph. His health had long been fail- 
ing, and he died on the night of the 5th or 6th of 
September. His death was concealed by the Grand 
Vizier for three weeks, to give his successor, Selim, 
time to reach Constantinople from Kutaiah. 

* See note 2, p. 73. 



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SKETCH OF ffUNGAXIAA HISTORY. 283 

The death of Solyman seems to form a fitting 
termination to this sketch. With the exception of his 
successor, Selim, he is the last survivor of the per- 
sonages who figure prominently in Busbecq's pages. 
The Emperor Ferdinand, the Grand Viziers Achmet, 
Roostem, and Ali, and the unfortunate Bajazet, have 
passed away. The greater part of Hungary and 
Transylvania continued subject to the successors of 
Solyman, either immediately or as a vassal State, till 
near the close of the following century. In 1683 
Vienna was once more besieged by the Turks, under 
the Grand Vizier Kara Mustapha, but was relieved by 
John Sobieski. The reaction from this supreme effort 
was fatal to the Turkish dominion in Hungary. In 
1686 Buda was recaptured by Charles of Lorraine, and 
by the Peace of Carlowitz, concluded in 1698, the whole 
of Hungary and Transylvania was ceded to the Em- 
peror Leopold. 



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284 APPENDIX. 



II. 

ITINERARIES. 

In describing his first Turkish letter as an 'iter/ 
or itinerary, Busbecq places it under a class of composi- 
tion of which there are several examples still extant. 
In Busbecq s days it was a common practice for 
scholars to write an account in Latin verse of any 
journey they might happen to make. These itineraries 
are generally extremely amusing, the writers being 
men of keen observation, with a great sense of humour, 
and condescending to notice those trifles which are 
passed over by the historian. 

As an example, Nathan Chytrseus gives an account 
of his trip to England during the Long Vacation of 
the University of Paris. He lands at Rye, and, going 
to an inn, eats his first English dinner, which he hugely 
enjoys, noticing at the same time the handsome faces 
and dignified bearing of the waitresses. On his way 
to London he is struck with the comfortable appear- 
ance of the country seats, and specially with the belts 
of laurel with which they were surrounded. As he 
passes over London Bridge he is delighted with the 
handsome shops full of every kind of merchandise 
which lined its sides. He visits Westminster Abbey, 
and wonders at not finding the tomb of Dr. Linacre, 
the celebrated physician, who, though a canon of St. 
Peter's, Westminster, was buried at St. Paul's. He 
goes eastward, and visits the Tower of London, noticing 
the menagerie, and specially two lions at the entrance 
of the Tower, Of the collection of arms he says that 



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ITINERARIES. 285 

a visitor would imagine it to be the greatest in the 
world if he had not seen the Arsenal at Venice. He 
has a word for Southwark across the river, telling us 
that it was covered with small houses, and the home 
of numerous dogs and bears, which were kept for bait- 
ing. He visits Hampton Court, Nonsuch Park,^ and 
Windsor ; at the last place Elizabeth was staying, with 
all her court. The Queen is duly complimented on her 
learning, but he can spare a couple of lines also for the 
rabbits which then, as now, were scampering fearlessly 
about the Park : 

Quin et in effossis habitare cuniculus antris 
Assuetus prodire solet camposque vagari. 

It will be seen that the itinerary of Nathan 
Chytraeus is written very much in Busbecq's style, 
while there are other itineraries which require notice as 
taking us over nearly the same ground as our author. 

Among the companions of Veltwick (vol. 1. page 
79), when he went as Ambassador to Constantinople, 
was Hugo Favolius, who has left us an account of the 
expedition in Latin hexameters. Having ingeniously 
introduced the date 1545 into his verses, he tells us 
that was the year — 

Cum decus imperii Romani, Carolus ingens, 
Pertsesus belli tandem, metuensque tumultus 
Hellespontiacis qui forte fremebat in oris, 
Principiis prudens sic obvius ire parabat. 
Ergo a consiliis regi fidissimus unus 
Deligitur sermone potens Veldvicius heros, 
Quicum partitus curarum ingentia dudum 
Pondera tractandas rerum committit habenas ; 
Atque ilium ad celebrem Byzanti destinat urbem, 
Praestanti eloquio et placido sermone Tyranni 
In melius si forte queat convertere mentem. 

After this humiliating confession of the power of the 

^ Nonsuch Park, at Cheam, was a favourite residence of Queen Eliza- 
beth. 



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386 APPENDIX. 

Turk, Favolius tells us how they sailed across the Gulf 
of Venice and landed at Ragusa. After a short rest 
the party travelled over the mountains to Sophia, and 
thence to Constantinople. In returning Veltwick made 
the journey to Vienna by land, taking, no doubt, the 
same route as was afterwards traversed by Busbecq, 
while Hugo Favolius and some of the younger mem- 
bers of the party obtained leave to go back to Venice 
by sea. 

It seems strange that in a piece of this kind the 
writer should so frankly admit the superiority of the 
Turkish power ; it would appear to be but an ill com- 
pliment to the sovereigns from whom Favolius must 
have looked for advancement In order, however, to 
gauge the real amount of terror which the Turks in- 
spired it is necessary to take the account of P. Rubigal, 
the Hungarian, who was attached to an embassy sent 
shortly after the death of John Zapolya ^ by the lead- 
ing nobles of his party to convey their tribute to 
Solyman. RubigaFs itinerary may be considered to 
furnish us with an idea of the position of a Hungarian 
in the middle of the sixteenth century. His descrip- 
tion is ludicrous, no doubt, but it is no less horrible. 

He begins thus : — 

Tempore concedens quo rex in fata Joannes 

Liquerat Hungaricae regia sceptra domus, 
Inque patris titulos natus successerat infans 

Et dubia imperii forma recentis erat, 
Turca ferox, Medo qui cinctus acinace gaudet, 

Ad proceres regni plurima scripta dedit, 
Pannoniaeque petens perfricta fronte tributum, 

Terruit innumeris tristia corda minis. 
Quid facerent ? ratio sic temporis ipsa ferebat, 

Quamlibet inviti ut pacta tributa darent. 
Nee mora, magnatum venerando ex ordine lectos 

Verbetium mittunt Essetiumque pium ; 
Hosque jubent regni Turcis offerre tributa, 

Flectere et inMnitis pectora dura Getae. 

* See pp. 27i-2» 



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ITINERARIES. 287 

The party started from Szegedin, on the river 
Theiss, going by boat to Belgrade, and thence by land 
to Constantinople. 

They were entertained at a banquet by Solyman, 
and were much disgusted at two things : first, he gave 
them sherbet instead of wine ; and secondly, at the 
conclusion of the banquet he caused the ghastly heads 
of men who had been recently executed to be set be- 
fore them. The grim pleasantry could not be misun- 
derstood. The heads, no doubt, were those of Hun- 
garians, whom Solyman was pleased to regard in the 
light of rebels. Whilst at Constantinople Rubigal had 
an opportunity of seeing the Turkish fleet, which was 
then commanded by the famous Barbarossa. The 
Hungarian was evidently horribly frightened at the 
formidable preparations of the Turks, for immediately 
afterwards he gives his readers plainly to understand 
that his tastes are of a domestic turn, and that he has 
no hankering after — 

the perils which environ 
The man who meddles with cold iron. 

Oddly enough, however, he gives us an account of 
two Germans he met with fetters on their legs, who 
beg him to tell their friends at home that it will be 
the easiest thing in the world to drive the Turks into 
the Bosphorus. He gives their message, but cautiously 
refrains from either endorsing or contradicting their 
opinion. 



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388 APPENDIX. 



III. 

EDITIONS. 

The following is a list of the various editions and 
translations of Busbecq's works, with which we are 
acquainted. 

In Latin. 

1 58 1. Printed by Plantin, at Antwerp. Editio Princeps. 

It contains only the first Turkish Letter, under 
the title of Itinera Constantinopolitanum et 
Amasianum, and the De Acie contra Turcam 
Instruenda Consilium. 

1582. Also printed by Plantin. At the end of the con- 

tents of the first edition the second Turkish 
Letter is added, under the title of Ejusdem 
Busbequii Secunda in Thraciam Profectio. 

1589. Paris. Contains all four Turkish Letters and 
the De Acie. 

1595. Frankfort. The same as the previous one. 

1605. Hanau. The same as the last, with the addition 
of the Speech of Ibrahim to Ferdinand at 
Frankfort, and the text of the treaty of peace. 

1620. Munich. Edited by Sadoler. The same as the 
last. It contains portraits of Busbecq and 
Solyman. 

1629. Hanau. The same as the edition of 1605. 

None of these editions contain any but the 
Turkish Letters. 



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EDITIONS. 289 



1630. Louvain. Edited by Howaert. It contains 
the letters to Rodolph from France, 1-53 
inclusive. 

1632. Brussels. Also edited by Howaert. This edi- 

tion contains the letters to Maximilian from 
France. Then follow the letters to Rodolph 
as in the last edition, and at the end come 
five more letters to Rodolph. 
1632 (?). Evidently struck off from the same type as the 
last. There are, however, a few alterations, 
and there is no date on the title page. 

1633. Ley den. The Elzevir edition. Two editions 

with slight variations appeared in the same 
year. They contain the four Turkish Let- 
ters, the De Acie, the Speech of Ibrahim, the 
Treaty, and the Letters to Rodolph, 1-53. 
At the end of the third Turkish Letter there 
are variations from all the preceding editions. 
See vol. i. page 305, note. 

1660. Amsterdam. Elzevir. A reprint of the last. 

1660. Oxford. The same contents as the Elzevir, 

1660. London. The same contents as the Elzevir. 
There is also an Epitome de Moribtis Tur- 
carum, not written by Busbecq, which follows 
the Treaty. 

1689. Leipsic. The same contents as the Elzevir. 

1740. Bdle. The same contents and characteristic 
readings as the Elzevir, except in one pas- 
sage. 

In German. 

1596. Frankfort. It contains the four Turkish Let- 
ters and the De Acie. The translator was 
Michael Schweicker, Master of the School at 
Frankfort. 
VOL. IL u 



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290 APPENDIX. 

In English. 

1694, London. ' The Four Epistles of Augerius Gis- 
lenius Busbequius, concerning his Embassy 
into Turkey, with his Advice how to Manage 
War against the Turks. Done into English/ 
It contains a dedication to the Earl of Boling- 
broke by Nahum Tate, from which it appears 
that the translator died before the book was 
published. The English is racy, but the 
book is full of mistakes and misprints, 

1761, Glasgow. It contains only the Turkish Letters, 
and is said to be the third edition. It is a 
reprint of the last with some of the mistakes 
corrected. 

In Bohemian. 

1594. Prague. Translated by Leunclavius. It con- 
tains the First and Second Letters and the 
De Acie. 

In French. 

1649.- Paris. A translation by Gaudon. 

1 7 1 8. Amsterdam. • 

1748. Paris. A translation in three volumes of the 
Turkish Letters and the Letters to Rodolph, 
by the Abb6 Louis i^tienne de Foy, Canon 
of Meaux. 

1836. Paris. A translation of the Letters to Rodolph, 
1-53, is contained in 'Archives Curieuses de 
THistoire de France, Premiere S^rie,' tome 
10, by MM. Cimber and Danjou. 
* 

In Flemish. 

1632. Dordrecht. 



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EDITIONS. 291 

In Spanish. 

Before 1650. Pampeluna. A translation by Stephanus 
Lopez de Reta, published by Charles de 
Lobaien. Viaje de Constantinoplay and also 
the De Acie. 



tJ2 



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292 APPENDIX. 



IV. 

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS. 

A. 

Patent of Legitimation of Ogier Ghiselin, 

Charles, etc., s5avoir faisons k tous pr&ens et advenir 
nous avoir recue Ihumble supplication de Ogier, filz ill6- 
gitisme de George Ghiselin, escuier, seigneur de Bousbecque, 
et de Catherine Hespiel jeune fille, lors non mariez, conte- 
nant que ledit Ogier de son jeune eaige a est^ entretenu aux 
estudes k Louvain et ailleurs, ou il sest conduict et gouvem6 
bien et honnestement comme celluy qui a d^sir de parvenir 
k estatz honnourables avec volunt^ et bonne affection de bien 
faire vivre et de mourir soubz nous et en nostre ob^issance, 
se nostre plaisir estoit le l^gittimer et sur le deffaulte de sa 
nativity luy impartir nostre grace si commil dit, dont il nous 
a tres humblement supplid Pour ce est-il que ce consid6r6 
nous icelluy Ogier suppliant inclinans favorablement i sadite 
supplication et requeste, avons, de nostre certaine science 
auctorit^ et plaine puissance, legittim^ et l^gittimons, et ledit 
deffault de sa nativity aboly et effac6 abolissons et effacons 
de grdce speciale par ces pr^sentes, luy octroiant et accordant 
par icelles et de nostre dite grace quil puist et poira comme 
personne l^gittime et habile succ^der en tous les biens 
meubles et immeubles et aultres quelzconques esquelz de 
droit et selon la coustume et usaige de noz pays et seig- 
nouries, il debveroit et pourroit succeder sil estoit n6 et 
procr^e en 16al mariaiger et venir aux successions de sesdits 
pere et m^re et aultres que luy competent et corfip6teront cy 
aprez, pourveu toutesvoyes que k ce se consentent ses plus 
prochains parens de lignaige et que aucun droict ne soit desja 
acquis a aultres et en ce cas qu'il puist avoir et tenir pour 
luy, ses hoirs et successeurs k tousiours tous les biens que 



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PATENT OF LEGITIMATION. 293 

lui adviendront et escherront desdites successions et aultre- 
ment et qu'il a acquis et acquerra et diceulx biens ordonner 
et disposer et les laissier ou l^gater par testament ou aultre- 
ment ainsi que bon luy semblera ; et qu*il soit doresnavant 
receu selon sa vocation i tous honneurs, estatz, offices, 
dignitez et aultres faiz l^gittimes quelzconques et tenu et 
r^put6 doresnavant pour personne l^gittime, tout ainsi que 
s'il estoit n6 en l^al mariaige et aussi que apr^s son trespas, 
ceux de son lignaige procrdez ou ^ procr^er en l^al mariaige 
luy puissent succdder par droit d'hoirie en tous sesdits biens, 
meubles, hdritaiges, possessions et aultres choses quelzconques 
acquises et ci acqu^rir ou i luy venuz et escheuz, ou que luy 
viendront et escherront cy aprez, tout ainsi et par la forme 
et manifere qu'il eusse fait et peut faire et pourroit se il estoit 
n6 et procrde en 16al mariaige si aultre chose ne luy rdpugne 
que ladite deffaulte de procreation Idgittime, saulf que a 
cause de bastardise et illdgittimation, nous ou noz successeurs 
y puissons ou doyons quereller ou demander aulcun droit ou 
temps advenir, nonobstant quelzconques constitutions, or- 
donnances, statuz, droiz, coustumes et usaiges k ce contraires, 
parmy et moyennant toutesvoys que k cause de ceste nostre 
pr&ente 16gittimation, ledit suppliant sera tenu payer certaine 
finance et somme de deniers pour une fois ci nostre prouffit, 
selon la facultd et qualitd de ses biens k larbitrage et taux- 
ation de nos amez et f6aulx les president et gens de noz 
comptes k Lille, que commectons i ce. Si donnons en 
mandement auxdits de nos comptes que ladite finance et 
somme de deniers par eulx taux^e, arbitr^e et par ledit sup- 
pliatit payde i celluy de noz receveurs qu'il appartiend, lequel 
sera tenu en faire recepte et rendre compte et reliqua k nostre 
prouffit avec les aultres deniers de sa recepte. lis, nostre 
gouverneur de Lille, les president et gens de nostre consei' 
en Flandres et tous noz aultres justiciers et officiers quelz- 
conques, prdsens et advenir, cui ce peult et pourra touchier 
et regarder leurs lieutenans et chacun deulx en droit soy 
et si comme k luy appartiend, facent seuffrent et laissent 
ledit suppliant, ensamble sesdits hoirs, successeurs et ayans 
cause ci tousiours procr^er en 16al mariaige de nostre pr&ente 
grace et l%ittimation, et de tout le contenu en ces dites 



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294 APPENDIX. 



pr^sentes selon et par la manifere que dit est, plainement, 
paisiblement et perp^tuellement joyr et user, sans luy faire 
rnectre ou donner, ne souffrir estre faict, mis ou donn^ ores 
ne ou tempes advenir, aucun destourbier ou empeschement 
au contraire en maniere quelconque. Car ainsi nous plaist-il. 
Et affin que ce soit chose ferme et estable k tousiours, nous 
avons faict mectre nostre seel k ces pr^sentes, saulf en aultres 
choses nostre droit et laultruy en toutes. Donn6 en nostre 
ville de Gand, ou mois d'Avril apres Pasques, de nostre 
empire le xxi®, et de noz r^gnes de Castille et aultres 
le XXV®. 

Sur le ploy estoit escript par Tempereur et sign6 du 
secretaire, Bourgois, et sur le ploy estoit encoires escript ce 
que sensuit. Cette chartre est enregistr^e en la chambre 
des comptes de Tempereur, nostre sire a Lille, ou registre des 
chartres y tenu commenchant en avril xv® quarante-neuf, 
folio ii*^ xvi, et apres que Messrs. les president dicelle chambre 
ont est6 bien et deuement informez des faculty et puissance 
des biens de Timpetrant, la finance dicelle a par eulx est6 
taux^e a la somme de neuf vings dix livres de xi gros 
monnoye de Flandres la livre : ordonn^e estre pay^ es 
mains de Jehan Hovine, conseiller de Tempereur nostre dit 
Sire, m® en la dite chambre et commis a la recepte de les- 
pargne des pays ortissans en icelle chambre lequel sera tenu 
en baillier sa lettre et en faire recepte avec les aultres deniers 
de son entremise. Et au surplus ladite chartre a este ex- 
pedite en ladite chambre selon sa forme et teneur, le xxiii® 
jour de novembre xv® quarante. Ainsi signe moy present 

A. GiLLEMAN, 



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PATENT OF KNIGHTHOOD. 295 



B. 

Patent of Knighthood of Ogier de Busbecq, 

Ferdinandus etc., etc., nobili fideli a nobis delecto Augerio 
a Busbeck, equiti aurato, ConsiHario nostro gratiam nostram 
Caesaream et omne bonum. 

Cum nihil sit inter mortales sublimius Imperiali Majestate 
et celsitudine, quam Deus Optimus Maximus caeteris hu- 
manis- dignitatibus eminere voluit, ut micantissimis radiis 
suis terrarum orbem et commissum Imperium illustret, par 
equidem est, ut, quern Deus ad fastigium hoc evexit, is etiam 
dignitatem et munus sibi demandatum ita administret, ut, 
quantum fieri potest, in hac vita quam proxime accedat ad 
exemplum divinae ejus Majestatis a cujus nutu tota hujus 
mundi machina dependet, nullisque finibus clementiam et 
liberalitatem suam teneat circumscriptam, sed in omnes eam 
exerceat, praecipue, quos summa virtus, prudentia, doctrina, 
integritas ac rerum usus aliaeque ingenii et animi dotes, nee 
non praeclara in Rempublicam Christianam merita prae caeteris 
claros reddidere, omnem in eo operam et diligentiam adhi- 
bendo, necubi virtutem debitis premiis destituisse videatur. 
Etsi enim virtus se ipsa facile sit contenta neque magnopere 
indigeat alienae laudis adminiculo, quam alioquin etiam honos, 
amplitudo et gloria ut certissima premia sponte plerumque 
sequuntur, fit tamen, ut si quando lUa summorum Impera- 
torum ac Regum judicio atque decreto comprobetur, multo 
illustrior et clarior evadat et alios quoque non tam ad admira- 
tionem quam ad imitationem et studium accendat. 

Qua in re sicuti olim divi praedecessores nostri Roman- 
orum Imperatores ac Reges omnem adhibuere curam, sic nos 
quoque hunc eorum laudatissimum morem secuti in eandem 
semper curam et cogitationem incubuimus ut optimorum 
virorum de nobis atque Republica bene meritorum virtus a 



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2q6 appendix. 



nobis condignis honoribus cohonestaretur. In quorum sane 
numero, cum te prefatum Augeriutn a Busbeck baud pos- 
tremum locum obtinere compertum habeamus, aequum est 
profecto, ut in te ipso nostram erga tales homines clemen- 
tissimam animi propensionem omnibus declaremus, et contes- 
tatam reddemus, idque ejuscemodi omamenti genere, quod 
virtutibus ac mentis tuis quam maxime respondeat. Tu 
namque nobili et honesto loco in Belgio natus, ingenii acumen 
et vim, quod Deus tibi dedit praestantissimum vitae mo- 
rumque honestate, probitate ac bonarum literarum studiis, 
diversitate linguarum multarumque rerum cognitione et aliis 
plurimis excellentibusque animi dotibus ita excoluisti, ut ad 
gravissima et maxima quaeque Reipublicae negotia exequenda 
visus sis aptus esse. Quapropter quum existimaremus te ali- 
quando nobis magno usui futurum baud gravatim te in aulam 
nostram recepimus, ubi quidem nostrae de te expectationi non 
modo cumulate satisfecisti, sed eam longe quoque superavisti. 
Cum enim superioribus annis nobis occurrissent ardua 
quaedam negocia, de quibus a nobis mittendus erat ad Soly- 
mannum Turcharum Principem Orator, qui fide, prudentia, 
rerum usu atque industria praestaret, te ex Anglia revocatum, 
quo tunc temporis jussu nostro profectus fueras, ad Id 
muneris suscepimus, quo magna tua cum laude et ingenti 
nostro ac Regnorum Dominiorumque nostrorum imo totius 
Reipublicae Christianae commodo octo annos functus es, 
confecta ad postremum inter nos et ipsum Turcharum prin- 
cipem octennali pace. In qua legatione quas sustinueris 
curas, incommoditates, molestias, quos tuleris labores, quae 
vitae pericula subieris, quam etiam ostenderis in rebus agen- 
dis ingenii vim, quam fidem, quam solicitudinem, quam 
solertiam, prudentiam et industriam, quam intrepidi animi 
constantiam, et qua denique usus sis pietate in redimendis, 
juvandis et fovendis miseris Christianis, qui Constantino- 
polim tuo tempore in foedam captivitatem adducti fuerunt, 
magno etiam fortunarum tuarum dispendio, nimis longum 
foret sigillatim recensere. lUud profecto consecutus es, quod 
non omnibus qui talem provinciam suscipiunt, ne dicamus 
perpaucis, contingere solet, ut non modo a nobis ac Serenis- 
simis filiis nostris et aliis sacri Romani Imperii Principibus, 



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PATENT OF KNIGHTHOOD. 297 

statibus et ordinibus summam gratiam iniveris, verum etiam 
ipsismet Turcis propter virtutes tuas, quas naturae instinctu 
in te prospexere et admirati sunt, valde gratus exstiteris. 
Quare merito probandum est praeclarum de te judicium 
Serenissimi Principis Domini Maximiliani secundi, Roma- 
norum ac Hungariae et Bohemise, etc., Regis, Archiducis 
Austriae, etc., filii nostri charissimi, in eo, quod te dignum et 
idoneum reputaverit, quem Dapiferis Serenissimorum filiorum 
suorum Rudolfi et Emesti, Archiducum Austriae, charissi- 
morum nepotum nostrorum cum profisciscerentur in His- 
paniam praeficeret. Quod si ergo olim apud veteres, qui luctu 
et saltu in Olympiaco stadio celebres athletae virium suarum 
specimen aliquod egregium edidissent, divinis propemodum 
honoribus affici, qui vero in bello vel murum primi ascendis- 
sent vel civem morti seduxissent corona vel murali vel 
civica donari soliti fuerunt, et nostra quoque aetate, qui vel 
cum hoste singulari certamine congressus victor evasit vel 
in prelio strenuam prae ceteris operam navavit vel alias rem 
bellicam caute et recte administravit, auratae militiae tituHs 
insignitur, quanto magis tu, Augeri, tali dignitate condeco- 
randus fuisti, cui non cum uno homine nee uno prelio per 
unum aut alterum mensem. res gerenda, sed totos octo annos 
cum gente Christiano nomini infensissima adeoque cum 
ejusdem gentis Principe potentissimo ac pluribus victoriis et 
successibus elato, cumque ipsius praecipuis consiliariis et 
ministris, callidissimis et versipellibus diesque noctesque 
acerrime dimicandum fuit, quorum potentiam et nefarios 
impetus tu, divino adjutus auxilio, tua prudentia^ industria 
ac rerum agendarum dexteritate postpositis quibuslibet 
periculis infracto animo sustinuisti et a cervicibus Regnorum 
et Dominiorum nostrorum avertisti. Quae cum ita se habeant 
optimo certe consilio factum est quod praefatus Serenissimus 
Romanorum Rex superiore mense Septembri, quando patema 
voluntate nostra Rex Hungariae renunciatus publicatus ac 
Regali corona insignitus fuit, te publice in spectantibus et 
grato applausu probantibus ac suffragantibus praelatis, pro- 
ceribus, Ordinibus et Statibus ejus Regni nostri, quorum 
saluti et incolumitati potissimum studueras, ictu ter vibrati 
ensis benedicti Militem seu Equitem auratum fecerit atque 



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298 APPENDIX. 



creaverit, quia te et eo et alias longe clarioribus omamentis 
dignum censemus. Et licet ad perpetuam gloriam tibi 
sufficere queat publicus ille Serenissimi filii nostri Roman- 
orum Regis actus neque is ulla approbatione Caesareae et 
patemae auctoritatis nostrae opus habeat, pro nostra tamen 
in te mirifica benig^itate volumus te earn dignitatem ab 
Imperiali quoque culmine obtinere, quo luculentius sit in 
omnem posteritatem virtutis tuae testimonium. 

Itaque nos ipsi etiam te antedictum Augerium a Busbeck, 
Militem sive Equitem auratum fecimus, creavimus, ereximus, 
ac praesenti nostro Caesareo edicto ex certa scientia et au- 
thoritati nostra Imperiali Militem et Equitem auratum 
facimus, creamus et erigimus et ad statum militarem as- 
sumimus militarisque cinguli et balthei decore, fascibus et 
titulis atque stemmate militiae insignimus, accingentes te 
gladio fortitudinis et omnia ad hunc ordinem pertinentia 
ornamenta tibi conferentes hoc nostro Imperiali edicto statu- 
entes, ut deinceps ubique locorum et terrarum pro vero Milite 
et Equite aurato habearis, honoreris et admittaris, possisque 
et debeas pro suscepto dignitatis equestris omamento, tor- 
quibus, gladiis, calcaribus, vestibus, phaleris, seu equorum 
ornamentis aureis seu deauratis ac omnibus et singulis privi- 
legiis, honoribus, dignitatibus, praeeminentiis, franchisiis, juri- 
bus, insignibus, libertatibus, immunitatibus et exemptionibus, 
praerogativis et gratiis tam realibus quam personalibus sive 
mixtis et aliis quibuscunque militaribus actibus et officiis 
uti, frui et gaudere, quibus caeteri Milites et Equites a nobis 
stricto ense manu et verbo nostro creati ac ejusmodi oma- 
mentis insigniti gaudent et fruuntur et ad ea admitti, ad quae 
illi admittuntur, quomodolibet consuetudine vel de jure, 
absque alicujus contradictione vel impediment©. 

Mandantes universis et singulis Principibus tam ecclesias- 
ticis quam secularibus, Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Praelatis, 
Ducibus, Marchionibus, Comitibus, Baronibus, Nobilibus, 
Militibus, Clientibus, Capitaneis, Vicedominis, advocatis, 
praefectis, procuratoribus, quaestoribus, civium Mag^stris, Ju- 
dicibus, Consulibus, armorum Regibus, Heroaldis, Civibus, 
Communitatibus, et caeteris quibuscunque nostris et Imperii 
sacri subditis et fidelibus cujuscunque praeeminentiae, di^ni- 



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PATENT OF KNIGHTHOOD. 299 

tatis, status, gradus, ordinis et conditionis fuerint, ut te 
praefatum Augerium aBusbeck pro vero miHte et equite aurato 
habeant, teneant et reputent et in hoc militari et Equestri 
ordine et dignitate et notis ad eum spectantibus praerogativis 
et Hbertatibus conservent, quatenus gratiam nostram charam 
habuerint, ac poenam quinquaginta Marcharum auri puri 
pro dimidia fisco seu aerario nostro Imperiali, reliqua vero 
parte tibi antedicto Augerio aBusbeckw^l haeredibus tuis toties 
quoties contrafactum fuerit, irremissibiliter applicandam ma- 
luerint evitare. 

Harum testimonio literarum manu nostra subscriptarum 
et sigiUi nostri Caesarei appensione munitarum. 

Datum Viennae die tertia mensis Aprilis anno Domini 
millesimo quingentesimo sexagesimo quarto.* 

^ The original of this patent of Knighthood is preserved in the Im- 
perial Archives at Vienna. 



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300 APPENDIX. 



Purchase Deed of tlu Seigneurie de Bousbecque, 

COMPARUT en sa persone messire Jehan de Thiennes, 
chevalier, seigneur de Willergy, etc., procureur especial de 
Charles de Eydeghem, escuier, seigneur de Weze, &c., souf- 
fisament fond6 par lettres procuratoires donn^es des advo6, 
eschevins et conseil de la ville d'Ypre le xvi* jour de d6- 
cembre xv*'iiii** sept, desquelles la teneur s'ensuyt. 

A tous ceulx, etc., lequel comparant oudit nom et en vertu 
du pooyr a luy donn6 par lesdictes lettres recognut avoir 
vendu bien et l^allement i messire Ogier Ghiselin, chevalier, 
conseillier de TEmpereur, et grand maistre d'hostel de la 
Royne Elisabet, douagi^re de Franche quy le cognut avoir 
achet^, toute la terre et seigneurie de Rume dit de Bousebecque, 
comprendant la seigneurie temporelle et paroissialle dudit 
Bousebecque, contenant quinze bonniers demy d'h^ritaige 
ou environ sdans en la paroisse dudit Bousebecque, chastel- 
lenie de Lille, si comme six bonniers ix® ou environ tant 
pret que labeur, par une partye et par aultre huict bon- 
niers xv° de bois en ce comprins et que sent r^unis audit 
fief ung bonnier de pret que feu CoUart Lejosne tenoit en 
fief de ladicte seignourie ; item, huict cens quy estoyent 
tenus de Tallengrie de Le Becque, avecq deux aultres bon- 
niers X® et ii® estants pr^sentement i uzance de bois quy 
estoient tenus en commun contre le seigneur de P^ruwez ; 
item, sept quartrons de pret de Tallengrie de la Westlaye 
et iiii® de terre en la mesme allengrie, auquel fief et seig- 
nourie appartient des rentes seignouriales chacun an en 
Fallengrie de la Plache, en argent iiii 1. iii s. et au Noel 
six chapons et le quart d'un ; item en Tallengrie du commun, 
contre le seigneur de P^ruwez, cent sept razifcres ung havot 
et ung quart de Karel d'avaine moUe quy se prendent sur 



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* PURCHASE DEED. 301 

quarante cincq bonniers xvii verges ou environ chergiez 
du X® denier k la vente, don ou transport, moicti^ au prouffit 
dudict Seigneur de Bousebecque allencontre dudit Seigneur 
de P^ruwez ; item, en Tallengrie du commun de le Becque, 
quarante razifcres ung quareau et demye d'avaine brune, trois 
havots, trois kareaux de soille, trois chapons et le vi® d'ung, 
et en argent i s. ix d., lesquelles rentes se lieuvent sur xi bon- 
niers ix^xi verges ; item, en Tallengrie de P^ruwez xii ra- 
zi^res ii havots trois karelz et demy et xii® d*ung havot 
et le vii® d'un francquart, tierch d'un quareau de bled four- 
ment, trente neuf razi^res vi® et vii® d'un havot, les deux tiers 
et le quart d*un quarel d'avaine blanche, six chapons et en 
argent sept solz iii Tleniers, quy se prendent sur xix bon- 
niers xiiii° demy d'hdritaige ou environ. Item, en Tallengrie 
de la Westlaye cinq razi^res trois havots ung quart et le 
quart d'un karel de bled, vingt razi^res deux havots trois 
quareaux d'avaine brune, ii kareaux et environ viii® d'un 
quarel de soille ; item, deux chapons, xviii* et Ixxii® d'un 
chapon et en argent cinq gros iii deniers i party quy se 
ceullent sur quattre bonniers xiiii° cinq verges d'h^ritaige ou 
environ, le tout deduction faicte desdictes party es reunites et 
rentes qu'elles doibvent, lequel fief et seignourie est tenu du 
Roy nostre sire de sa salle de Lille en justice viscontifere k 
dix livres de relief i la mort de I'h^ritier et le x® denier k la 
vente, don ou transport et sy appartient a icelle ung bailly, 
lieutenant et sept eschevins avecq plaids g^n^raulx trois fqis 
Tan, plusieurs arrentemens de maisons et h^ritaiges gisans 
allentour de la place dudit Bousebecque portant environ cent 
florins par an pardessus les rentes cy dessus d^clar^es, les 
fondz desquelles Ton croyt estre prins du gros dudit fief et 
seignourie cy-dessus d^clar^ avecq la place et chimenti^re. 
Sy appendent cincq fiefz et hommaiges en tenus, lesquelz 
sont chergiez de certains reliefz k la mort de Th^ritier et du 
x® denier k la vente, don ou transport, et les aultres h^ritaiges 
tenu de ladicte seignourie chergiez de double rente de relief 
i la mort de I'h^ritier et du x® denier k la vente, don ou trans- 
port, lesquelles rentes dessus d^clar^es se payent i la priserie 
du Roy nostre sire de son Espier de Lille quy se faict au terme 
de sainct Remy, la razi^re de soille estim^e aux deux tiers de 



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302 APPENDIX. 



celle de bled, fourment, Tavaine molle aux deux tiers de la 
blanche, et la brune au pris moyen d'entre la blanche et la 
molle. Ladicte vente faicte mdiennant six florins de denier a 
Dieu, et pour le gros et principal dudit marchi^ la somme de 
six mil florins carolus de vingt patars piiche, francq argent, i 
payer cejourd'huy comptant que ledit vendeur a confess^ avoir 
receu en deschargant la loy pour dudit fief, terre et seignourie 
de Bousebecque, ses appartenances et appendences telles que 
dessus sans aultrement riens livrer par mesure ainsy que de 
tout temps Ton en a joy et possess^, joyr et possesser par le-. 
dit messire Ogier Ghiselin depuis cedit jourd'huy en tous 
droix, prouffictz et ^molumens le cours de sa vie durant et 
aprfcs son trespas retoumer et appartenir audit seigneur de 
Wize, ses hoirs ou ayans cause et leur demourer h^ritable- 
ment et ^ tousjours k la charge d'entretenir par ledit seigneur 
second comparant tels baulz, lesquelz les occuppeurs feront 
apparoir. Et pareillement debvra ledit Seigneur de Wize, 
ses hoirs ou ayans cause entretenir les baulz que lors se 
trouveront faictz par ledit s*" Ghiselin, comme k viagier et 
usufructuaire appartient de faire selon la coustume de la salle 
de Lille, promectant ledit s*^ de Willergy en ladicte qualite 
ladicte vente, entretenir, conduire et garandir envers et 
contre tous soubz Tobligation des biens du dit Seigneur de 
Wize et de sesdis hoirs vers tous seigneurs et justices. 

Ce fut aussy fait et passe k loy les xviii® et p^nultiesme de 
decembre xv® iiii" sept, pardevant Mons*^ le bailly de Lille, ^ 
presences de maistres Jehan Denys, Philippes Carle, Noel 
Waignon, Pierre Hovine, Josse et Simon Vredi^re. 



Archives ddpartementales du Nord, 
Chambre des comptes de Lille. 



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SAUVE'GARDE. 30J 



D. 

Copy of the Sauve-garde. 

Messire Ogier de Bousbeque, chevalier, seigneur dudit 
lieu, et jadis ambassadeur en Constantinople de tr^s-hauts, 
tr^s-puissants et tr^s-excellents princes Ferdinand et Maxi- 
milien, empereurs des Romains de louable memoire ; aussi 
conseiller de Tempereur Rodolphe, second de son nom prd- 
sentement rdgnant, conseiller et grand mattre d'hostel de la 
royne Isabelle (Elisabeth), douairi^re de France, et surin- 
tendant les affaires de ladite royne chez le roi tr^s chfestien. 

Alexandre, due de Parme, chevalier de Tordre, lieutenant, 
gouverneur et capitaine gdndral, 

A tous lieutenants, gouverneurs, chiefs, colonnels, capi- 
taines, conducteurs, fourriers et aultres officiers des gens de 
guerre du Roy monseigneur, tant du cheval que du pied, de 
quelque nation qu'ils soient, salut : 

Sgavoir vous faisons que, en contemplation des bons et 
aggr^ables services que Messire Ogier de Bousbeque, che- 
valier, seigneur dudit lieu, conseiller de Tempereur et grand 
maistre d'hostel de la royne Isabelle (Elisabeth) douairi^re de 
France a faict a feus de louable memoire les empereurs Fer- 
dinand et Maximilien (que Dieu fasse paix) tant en quality 
d*ambassadeur en Turquie que de gouverneur des archiducs 
d'Austrice, au temps dudit feu empereur Maximilien, et depuis 
aussi k I'empereur moderne en diverses charges et qualit^s, 
ainsi qu*il faict encore k present aujourd'hui dame Royne. 

Nous avons au nom de Sa Majesty pris et mis, nous par 
ces presentes prenons et mettons en notre protection et 
sauvegarde sp^ciale les maisons, terres et seigneurie dudit 
Bousbeque, vous mandant partant, et commandant au nom 
et de la part que dessus, a chacun des bons endroits, soy et 



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304 APPENDIX. 

comme eux appartiendra, bien express^ment de ne loger ni 
permettre que soient log^s au village de Bousbeque aucuns 
gens de guerre sans expresse ordonnance notre ou du mareschal 
et chef de camp de Sa Majesty. 

Et au surplus afiranchissons et d^evons les manants et 
habitants dudit village avecq leurs families, leurs meubles, 
fourrages, advestures et bestial, de toutes foulles, torts, in- 
vasions, mengeries et exactions, les laissant de ceste notre 
pr^sente sauvegarde pleinement et paisiblement jouir et user, 
sans y aller au contraire ny autrement les molester ni endom- 
mager en corps ny en biens en quelque manifere que ce fut, 
sous peine d'encourir Tindignation de Sa Majesty et la notre 
et ^tre punis comme infracteurs de sauvegarde. 

Et afin que personne n'en puisse pr^tendre cause d'lgno- 
rance, nous avons consenti et consentons audit seigneur de 
Bousbeque que puisse et pourra faire mettre et afficher aux 
advenues dudit village nos bastons, blasons et pannonceaulx 
amioy^s de nos armes. 

Donn^ au camp devant Berghes sur la Zoom, sous notre 
nom et cachet secret de Sa Majeste, le 1 5® jour d*octobre, 
1588. 

Soubs etait le cachet du Roy, etc. 

CoUeaction. faicte i Toriginale, etc. 

Archives de Bousbecque £. £. I. 



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PARDON OF DE CROIX. 305 



Pardon of Daniel de Croix for the homicide of Chariot 
Desruntaulx, 

Charles par la grdce de Dieu etc. Savoir faisons a tous 
pr&ens et advenir, Nous avons receu Tumble supplication 
de Daniel de Croix Escuyer filz de Geraerd Seigneur de 
Wambrechies, jeusne homme k marier, contenant que ledit 
suppliant s*est, k certain jour pass^ trouv6 avecq George 
Giselin Seigneur de Bouzebecque Jacques de Sauch et autres 
en la ville de Comines vers le Seigneur de Halewyn. Les- 
quelz ilz ont servi en leur jonesse. Or est que k certain 
jour de feste du soir que lors on s'estoit esbatu au chas- 
teau du dit lieu, entre huyt et neuf heures du soir, le dit 
Seigneur de Hallewyn avec le Seigneur de CrolsHIe sc 
retirferent au dit chastel pour eulx coucher. Et quant au 
dit suppliant, George Giselin et Jacques de le Sauch, ilz 
se retir^rent vers le marchi^ avec Jehan Homme, Bailli 
du dit lieu, et les sievoit feu alors vivant Chariot Desru'- 
maulx, joueur du luut, qui d^monstroit avoir assez fort beu, 
et en allant leur chemin, Tun d'entre eulx mist en bouche 
aux autres dialler bancquetter k la maison d'ung nomm6 
maistre Franche Barbier demourant aupres dudit marchi^, 
k quoy ilz saccordferent et all^rent tous ensemble celle part, 
ou ilz furent syevis par le dit Chariot sans y estre appell^. 
Que lors les dits suppliant et de le Sauch, qui alloient devant 
vers la dite maison, le dit Suppliant ayant son esprivier sur 
son poing, pri^rent au dit Chariot, obstant qu*il estoit noy- 
seulx'apr^s boire, qu*il se retirast et allast couchier, et qu*ilz 
ne le voloient point avoir, ce qu'il ne voloit faire, mais entra 
en la dicte maison, parquoy le dit Suppliant le print par le 
col et le poussa hors de la dite maison k Tayde du dit Jacques, 
dont il se courroucha et se mist en tous debvoirs de tyrer son 
VOL. II. X 



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3o6 APPENDIX. 

baston pour les villonner, mais il fut empesch^ par le dit 
Jacques,. et soubit survint le dit bailli qui le print au corps, 
mais finablement soubz promesse qu*il fist de soy partir et 
aller couchier, le dit bailli k la requeste des assistans le laissa 
aller, et lui estant hors des mains du dit bailli se tyra d'un 
lez oudit marchi6 contre une maison ou sur ung bancq, il 
mist son luut et desvesty sa robbe tira sa dagge et prof(6ra 
plusieurs haultaines langaiges sentans menaces disant, ou 
parolles en substance, qu'il estoit homme pour respondre 
au plus hardy de eulx tous. Et craindant par le dit Daniel, 
suppliant le d^bat appant contre lui bailla son oiseau ^ son 
homme, et ainsi qu*il estoit sur le marchi^, il veyt ledit 
deffunct qui continuoit du dit langaiges haultains au des- 
honneur de lui et des autres. Disant qu'il estoit homme 
pour le plus hardy, ayant sa dage nue marcha vers lui comme 
aussi fist le dit deffunct Que lors le dit Suppliant ayant 
son sang mesl^ et m^moratif que lui qui estoit josne noble 
homme sievant les armes, se il se retiroit pour ung menestrel 
de basse condition ce lui seroit k toujours reproch^ en vil- 
lonnie entre tous nobles hommes. En ceste chaleur, non 
puissant de la refrener ayant aussi son baston nud, frappferent 
Tun aprfes Tautre aucuns cops et fut attaint par le dit deffunct 
sur Tespaule, et du cop que icellui suppliant rua, il attaindit 
ledit deffunct en la mesmelle, dont brief apr^s il termina vie 
par mort. Pour lequel cas le dit suppliant a estd appell6 k 
noz droiz au sifege de notre gouvernance de Lille, en lui 
donnant tiltre tel qu'il s'enssuit. Daniel de Croix, escuyer, 
vous estez appell^ aux droiz du Roy Catholicque, nostre 
Seigneur, Archiduc d'Austrice, Due de Bourgogne, Conte de 
Flandres, pour et sur ce que en la ville de Comines, avez 
all^ en la maison de maistre France Barbier avec Jaquet de 
le Sauch i Tintention de bancquetter, la ou vous auroit sievy, 
sans y estre appell^ feu lors vivant, Chariot Desrumaulx, 
lequel auroit par vous et le dit de le Sauch est^ boutd dehors, 
pourquoy il s'estoit courrouchi^, et de faict auroit en partie 
desgaini^ son esp^, et ce voyant par Jehan Homme, bailli 
d-r la dite ville le auroit prins au corps, et finablement eslargi 
soubz promesse par lui faicte de aller couchier, et lui venu 
au bout du marchi^ et laissant vous, Daniel, le dit de le 



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PARDON OF DE CROIX. 307 

Sauch avec George Ghiseliri, escuyer, Seigneur de Bousebecq 
et autres, auroit desgaigni^ sa dite dagge et prof^r6 aucunes 
parolles deshonnestes, incitant le plus hardy i venir vers luy. 
Lesquelles parolles vous Daniel seriez marchi^ vers le dit feu 
ayant desgaign^ vostre rapi^re, et i I'aborder entre vous et 
le feu y ont aucuns cops ruez, et entre autres de votre rapi^re 
donnast au dit feu ung cop d^estocq au dessus de la mammelle 
dextre, du quel cop brief aprez le dit feu termina vie par 
mort sans confession. Qui est cas de souverainet^ et priv^ligi6 
au Roy notre Seigneur, et querra la darraine tierchaine le 
iii® d'aoust xv^xix. Sie est ainsi sign^. A Cuvillon. 

Obstant lequel cas le dit Suppliant, doubtant rigueur de 
justice, s^est absent^ de notre chastellenie de Lille, et n'y oseroit 
retourner, banter ne converser combien qu'il ayt fait pays 
et satisfaction i partie, se de notre grdce ne lui est, sur ce, 
impertie. Dont actendu ce que dit est, mesmement les 
services qu*il nous a faiz en estat d'homme d'armes, soubz la 
charge et compaignie de notre am6 etf^al cousio, le Seigneur 
de Fiennes, aussi que en autres choses, il est bien fam6 et 
renomm^ il nous a tr^s humblement suppli^ et requis. Pour 
ce est~il, que nous les choses dessus dites consid6r6es audit 
Suppliant inclinans ci sa dite requeste, et lui voulans en ceste 
partie pr6f(6rer grdce i rigueur de justice, Avons au cas dessus 
quict^ remis et pardonn6, quictons, remectons et pardonnbns 
de grdce especial par ces pr&entes, le cas de homicide dessus 
d^clair^, ensemble toute paine et amende corporelle et crimin- 
elle en quoy pour raison et i Toccasion dudit cas et les 
circunstances et deppendances il peult avoir mesprins, oflenc6 
et est encouru envers nous et justice. En rappelant et niec- 
tant au n^ant tous appeaulx, deffaulx, contumaces et pro- 
cedures pour ce contre lui faiz et ensuyz, et I'avons quant k 
ce remis et restitu6, remectons et restituons k ses bonne fame 
et renomm^e k nostre dite chastellenie de Lille, et tous noz 
autres pays et seigneuries, ensemble i ses biens non con- 
fisquiez, saucuns en a, tout ainsi qu'il estoit avant Tadvenue 
du cas dessus dit. En imposant sur ce scillence perp^tuelle 
^ nostre procureur g^n^ral et tous noz autres officiers quelz- 
concques, satisfaction toutesvoyes faicte k partie interress^e 
se faicte n*est et elle y chiet civilement, tant seuUement et 

X 2 



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3o8 APPENDIX. 



moyennant qu'il ramendra aussi civillement envers nous selon 
Texigence du cas et la faculty de ses biens. Et avec ce, 
aussi qu'il sera tenu payer et respondre les mises et despens 
de justice, Pour ce faiz et ensuyz k Tarbitraige et tauxation de 
nostre Gouvemeur de Lille ou son lieutenant que commectons 
i ce. Si donnons en mandement k notre dit Gouvemeur de 
Lille ou son dit lieutenant que appellez ceulx qui pour ce 
seront i appeller, il procfede bien et deuement i la verification 
de ces dites pr^sentes et i Tarbitraige et taxation desdites 
amende civille et mises de justice, ainsi qu*il appartiendra. 
Et ce fait et les dites amende civille et mises de justice 
taux^es et payees ainsi qu'il appartiendra, de laquelle amende 
cellui de noz recepveurs ou autre notre officier cuyce regarde 
sera tenu faire recepte et rendre compte et reliqua k notre 
prouffit avecq les autres deniers de sa recepte. II et tous 
aultres noz oflSciers quelzconques pr^sens et advenir facent 
seuffrent et laissent le dit suppliant de noz pres^ntes grdce, 
remission et pardon, selon et par la manifere que dit est, 
plainement paisiblement et perp^tuellement joyr et user sans 
lui mectre, faire ou donner ne souffrir estre faict mis ou 
donn^ aucun arrest, destourbier ou empeschement au contraire 
en corps ne en biens en manifere quelconque. Ains se son 
corps ou aucuns de ses biens non confisquiez sont ou estoient 
pour ce prins saisiz, arrestez ou empeschiez, les mectent ou 
facent mectre incontinent et sans delay i playne et enti^re 
d^livrance. Car ainsi nous plaist-il. Et affin que ce soit 
chose ferme et estable a tousjours nous avons fait mectre 
nostre seel ^ ces pr&entes, saulf en autres choses, notre droit 
et Fautruy en toutes. 

Donn^ en nostre ville de Malines, ou mois de novembre 
Tan de grdce mil chincq cens et dix neuf, et de nostre r^gne 
le iiii®. 

Ainsi sign^ par le Roy en son conseil. 

Desbarres. 

Chambre des comptes de Lille. Registre des chartes de Taudience 
B. 1730, fo. 104. 



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PARDON OF JEHAN DAEL. 309 



F. 

Pardon of Jehan Duel for the homicide of Guillibert du 

Mortier. 

Phelippe, Roy de Castille, d'Arragon, &c., Comte de Flandre, 
&c., s9avoir faisons i tous pr^sens et k venir. Nous avons 
receu Thumble supplication et requeste de Jehan Dael, con- 
tenant, que le 23® de Septembre dernier, ayant est^ convocque 
au bancquet de nopces de Fenfant de Michel Dael, son fr^re, 
en la paroisse de Halluin, y seroit aussy est^ appell6 Guil- 
libert du Mortier, lequel voiant la table couverte et la 
pluspart des convives y assisse, seroit ing^r^ de vouloir faire 
ung present k la compaignie avec quelque peu de vau mis sur 
deux plats dans lesquels il avait enclos deux grenouilles, 
vulgairement appellees ronnes, lesquelles k Touverture d'lceulx 
plats, ont saute sur la table et viandes, ce que auroit caus6 
ung tumulte, et qui le tout auroit est^ culbut^, ce qui auroit 
despleu fort audict remonstrant, tant k cause que les viandes 
estoient partie gast^es et contamin^es, comme aussy k raison 
de ce que la perte en resultant estoit assez de consideracion 
pour son dit frfere qui est honneste homme, ^t bien qui le dit 
Guillebert debvoit endurer la reprinse de son faict, neanmoings 

au contre, il auroit injuria du mot * deux de la com- 

pagnie, et notamment le dit remontrant, ce quy Toccasionna 
de luy dire : Quy at il tant k (dire comme cela). A quoy il 

auroit respondu : Je te aussy, advienne. A quoi luy fut 

reparty par ledit remontrant en ces termes, ou en substance, 
Je pauleroy bien k toy, ce qu'entendu par le dit Guillebert 
auroit tir^ son coustel et s*approch6 le remontrant, quy I'obleige 
de tirer pareillement le sien, et se mectre en deffence, du quel 
il en auroit donn^ un coup au diet Guillebert vers le dos, dont 

* The blank supplies the place of a foul epithet. 



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3IO APPENDIX. 



environ xii jours aprez il seroit all^ de vie i trespas, au grand 
regret dudit remonstrant. C'est k quoy il a prins son recours 
vers nous, suppliant humblement qu'il nous pleust luy par- 
donner le dit cas et homicide luy en accordant et faisant de- 
pescher nos lettres patentes de remission en forme. 

Pour ce est-il que nous, les choses susdites consid^r^, 
et sur icelles eu Tadvis de noz chers et f6aux les lieutenant 
et autres officiers de nostre gouvemance de Lille, voulans en 
ceste partie pr^ftrer au dit Jehan Dael, suppliant, gr4ce et 
mis^ricorde, ut in forma. 

Interrinement de la dite gouvemance de Lille, &c. 

Donn^ en nostre ville de Bruxelles, le 27* de Janvier Tan 
1643, sign6 Robiano, de nos regnes xxii®™*. 

Au has estoit, pour le Roy en son conseil et ceste visue. 

Chambrc des^ comptes de Lille, Registre des chartes de Taudience. 
B. 1817, fo. II. 



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INDEX TO THE LETTERS. 



AA 

AA^ John Van der, member of 

-^ Ferdinand's privy council, pre- 
sents Busbecq to Ferdinand, i. 78 

Abbot of Turkish Monastery — his 
alleged miracles, i. 363-365 

Achmet Pasha, appointed Grand 
Vizier, i. 118; his character, 119; 
Busbecq and his colleagues visit, 
152 ; strangled, 176 ; details of 
his execution, 189-190 ; many of 
his retainers join Bajazet, 275 

Aconite or Napellus, used by Tur- 
kish pilgrim, i. 362 

Acorus calamus^ plant sent by Bus- 
becq to Mattioli, i. 41 5 

Adrianople, town of, i. 107 ; Soly- 
man's winter residence, 198 ; 
Busbecq summoned thither, 199 ; 
earthquake there, 200 

Affenstein^ commander of German 
reiters, killed, ii. 104 

Aga of the Janissaries, mentioned, 
i. 232, 285 

AgiamoglanSy name of a class 
among the Christian tribute chil- 
dren, i. 306, and note 

Ai^ues'Mortes, seaport in Langue- 
doc, surprised by the Huguenots, 
ii. 42, and note*, Italian nobles 
captured by the Huguenots taken 
thither, 155 

Akschehr^ town in Asia Minor taken 
by Bajazet, i. 273 

Albacar, Spanish physician sent by 
Busbecq to Lemnos, i. 416 

Albanians^ a Georgian tribe, i. 246 

Albanians or EpiroteSy ii. 143, and 
note 

Aldegondey St,, a prisoner in the 
hands of the Royalists, ii. 4 ; said 
to be sent by the States as envoy 



ALE 

to Alengon, 198 ; made burgo- 
master of Antwerp, 210 
Alengon, Francis, Duke of, after- 
wards Duke of Anjou, waiting at 
Lyons for his brother, ii. 7 ; his 
constitution delicate, 43 ; at the 
Cardinal de Lorraine's funeral, 
46; at th€j ball given on the 
Marquis de Nomeny's marriage, 
81 ; his restless spirit, 95 ; sup- 
posed to have dealings with the 
Huguenots, 96 ; accompanies the 
Queen to the gates of Paris, ib. ; 
his flight and his motives, loo- 
104, and note ; expected to re- 
turn to Blois, 105 ; demands that 
the negotiations be held at Blois 
instead of Poitiers, 114; sup- 
posed to have instigated du 
Guast's murder, 116; interferes 
in his quarrel with Thor^, 118; 
takes possession of Chitelherault, 
120 ; demands Bourges and 
other towns, ib, ; will probably 
come to terms, 131 ; his expedi- 
tion to the Netherlands, 141 ; in- 
tends ravaging Hainault, 143 ; 
sends to Italy to hire horse, ib, ; 
a champion of the Catholics, 144; 
reinforcements for him, 147 ; 
witnesses the battle at Ghent, 
148 ; disposition of his troops, 
149 ; expects to visit England 
156 ; prevails on citizens of Ant- 
werp to admit 300 French noble- 
men, 162 ; his attempt to seize 
Antwerp, 166 ; retreats to the 
monastery of St. Bernard, 167 ; 
and thence to Dendermonde, 
168 ; his probable course of ac- 
tion, ib, ; blackness of his con- 



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312 



INDEX TO THE LETTERS. 



ALI 

duct, 170 ; excuses made for it, 
ib, ; complete breach with citi- 
zens of Antwerp, 173 ; his ill- 
regulated mind, 174 ; proposed 
compromise with him, 174- 
175 ; chooses Dunkirk as his re- 
sidence, 179 ; reported to be con- 
cerned in fresh disturbances, 
180; ill at Dunkirk, 181; pre- 
sents Fervaques with an abbacy, 
ib. ; sends Pibrac to Antwerp,/^.; 
writes to stop his mother from 
coming, 182 ; meets her at La 
F^re, 185 ; has lost everything in 
Netherlands but Cambrai, 186 ; 
returns to France, ib. ; said to be 
going to marry the daughter of 
the Duke of Lorraine, 194 ; said 
to have handed over Cambrai to 
his brother, 195 ; his probable 
plans, ib. ; appointed by the 
king his Lieutenant with limited 
powers, 196 ; at Cambrai in great 
want of money, 198 ; envoys to 
him from the States, ib. ; likely 
to come to Paris, 199 ; goes to 
Chiteau Thierry, 201 ; intends to 
winter at Angers, 202 ; goes to 
Laon, ib. ; will not come to court, 
203 ; his rumoured negotiations 
with Spain for sale of Cambrai, 
204; changes his plans, will winter 
at Chiteau Thierry, 206 ; his 
htuniliating position, ib. ; sus- 
pected attempt to murder, 209 ; 
about to receive an embassy from 
the Netherlands, 210; urges his 
claim to be made Lieutenant- 
General of the kingdom, 212; 
visits his mother, 213; by her ad- 
vice approaches the king submis- 
sively, ib. ; advised to secure the 
favour of Joyeuse and Epernon, 
ib. ; returns to Chateau Thierry, 
214; his serious illness, 216; 
reported to be in a decline, 217 ; 
given over, 218 ; confined to his 
bed, 219; importance of his 
death for France, ib. ; his death, 
221 ; his character, ib. ; prepa- 
rations for his funeral, ib. ; said 
to have bequeathed Cambrai to 
his mother, 222 ; his funeral, 223 
Ali Pasha, second vizier, and after- 



ANG 
wards Grand Vizier, his origin 
and character, i. 157, 342 ; ban- 
quet given by him to Persian 
ambassador, 1^7 ; his foolish 
speech, 234 ; becomes Grand 
Vizier, 334 ; grants Busbecq's re- 
quest to leave his house, ib.; 
sends acavasse to him, 342 ; con- 
trasted with Roostem, 343-345 ; 
his interviews with Busbecq, 345 ; 
his policy, 346 ; his accident, ib. ; 
conversation with Busbecq about 
the invasion of Moldavia, 349- 
351 ; helps to procure the re- 
lease of Busbecq's servants, 368 ; 
sends him sweetmeats, 375 ; in- 
forms him of Bajazefs death, 385 ; 
his presents to him on his depar- 
ture, 388 ; what he wished in re- 
turn, 391 
Ali Pasha, the eunuch, appointed 
to the command in Hungary, i. 
236 ; visited by Busbecq and his 
colleagues, 237 ; description of 
him, ib. ; his operations m Hun- 
gary, ib. ; his rashness checked 
by a Sanjak-bey, 238 ; his dis- 
comfiture and ' death, 239 ; his 
speech on the loss of Gran, 240 
A lost f taken by Alengon, ii. 143 
Alvay the Duke of, his death, ii. 

162 
Amasiay capital of Cappadocia, de- 
scription of, i. 1 50-1 5 1 ; Bajazet 
ordered thither, 267 
Amber, great quantities of it ex- 
ported to Turkey and Persia, i. 
257 
Amiens, attempt to surprise, ii. 88 
Amurath /., Sultan, his death, i. 

153, and note 
AncyranumMonuTnentum^ account 

of the, i. 142-143, and note 
Angers y town of, demanded by 
Alenqon, ii. 120 ; Alengon going 
to winter there, 202 
Angers, citadel of, held by de 
Brissac, ii. 245 ; surprised by Hu- 
guenots, 248 ; its destruction 
ordered, 249 
Angoulime, iovtn of ^ demanded by 

Alengon, ii. 120 
Angora, town of, description of the, 
i. 142 ; Bajazet occupies and 



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INDEX TO THE LETTERS, 



313 



ANG 
raises forced loan from merchants 
of, 275 

Angora goats, i. 137, and note\ 
manufacture of mohair from their 
hair, 143 

Annonay^ town in the Vivarais, 
siege of, ii. 9, and note 

Ani, Indian, as large as a dog, 
sent as a present by the Shah to 
Solyman, i. 375, and note 

Antonio y Don, pretender to the 
crown of Portugal, his Constable 
killed, ii. 146 ; returns to France, 
161 ; goes to Dieppe, ib, ; en- 
gaged in equipping a fleet, 178 ; 
expenses of his household at 
Ruel, 183 ; his new fleet reaches 
the Azores, 188 ; said to be in- 
tended as the commander of the 
French forces in the Netherlands, 

235 

Antwerpy the French Fury at, n. 
164-168 ; tumult against Orange 
there, 176 ; strictly blockaded, 
231 ; hard pressed, 236 ; equip- 
ment of fleet to relieve, 240 ; cut- 
ting the dykes near, ib, ; the 
bridge destroyed, 247; gunpow- 
der sent to Paris from, 254 

Antwerp^ inhabitants of, their kind 
treatment of the prisoners, ii. 
169 ; their statement, 171 ; de- 
mand ransom, 173 ; complete 
breach between them and Alen- 
gon, ib, ; demand the execution 
of Fervaques, 175 ; their confi- 
dence in Orange diminished, 185, 
186 ; ready to suffer the worst 
rather than submit, 217 ; re- 
solved to hold out, 229 

Archery y Turkish skill in, i. 253 

Aremberg, the Countess of, ii. 113, 
note ; writes to announce her ar- 
rival at Nancy, 114 ; notice sent 
to her of date of the Queen's de- 
parture, 126 ; delayed in reach- 
ing Nancy by a mistake, 130 

Arslan Bey, Sanjak-bey of Stuhl- 
weissenburg, his feud with Veli 
Bey, i. 244 

Arundely Earl of, arrested for con- 
spiracy against Queen Elizabeth, 
ii. 2 1 2 ; will probably be pardoned, 
ib, \ again arrested, 247 



BAJ 

Athenoms^ his statement as to 
\}a!t pinna and pinna guard re- 
ferred to, i. 339 

Aubignyy Comte d', and Duke of 
Lennox, reported to be besieged 
in Scotland, ii. 148, and note 

Auger^ Edmund, the king's confes- 
sor, rebuked by Catherine de 
Medici, ii. 182 

Aumaley the Duke of, accompanies 
the Queen to Bourg-la-Reine, ii. 
96 ; a leader of the League, 241; 
seizes places in Normandy, 245 

AumontyMzx^cYidl d',with Navarre, 
ii. 262 

Auxonneytoym in Burgundy, its in- 
habitants charge their governor 
with treason and pull down the 
fortifications, ii. 248-249 

AxyloSy woodless tract in Asia 
Minor, i. 215 



r>ABOCSA, a Hungarian fort- 



ID 



ress, 1. 237 



Badeny the Margrave of, meets the 
Queen, ii. 134 

Baileny the Comte de, Spanish am- 
bassador, starts for Lyons, ii. 1 1 ; 
arrives at Paris, 22 ; leaves Paris, 
28 

Baifyy title of the Venetian ambas- 
sador, i. 226, note ; his interposi- 
tion, 226 ; unable to help the im- 
prisoned pilgrims, 352 ; his sur- 
prise at the release of Busbecq's 
servants without a bribe, 368 

Bairanty the feast of, parents 
allowed to see their married 
daughters at, i. 229, and note-y 
description of its celebration by 
the Turkish army, 302-304 

Bajazety L, Sultan, indignities he 
and his wife received from Ta- 
merlane, i. 112 

Bajazety II., Sultan, defeats his son 
Selim, i. 108 

Bajazety son of Solyman,his mother's 
favourite, i. 179; implicated in the 
rising of Mustapha, the Pretender, 
180, 185 ; his interview with 
his father, 187-189; his story 
continued, 264-281 ; conspires 
against his brother, 265 ; re- 



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3M 



INDEX TO THE LETTERS. 



BAL 

moved from Kutaiah to Amasia, 
267 ; complains of his new go- 
vernment, ib, ; accuses his bro- 
ther, 268-269 ; prepares for war, 
270; sends back Pertau Pasha, 
271 ; his message to Solyman, 
272 ; takes town of Akschehr, 
273 ; occupies Angora, and raises 
a forced loan from the merchants, 
275 ; his appearance and charac- 
ter, 275-276 ; marches on Koniah, 

277 ; his speech to his army, 277- 

278 ; his gallant conduct, 278 ; 
defeated at Koniah, retreats to 
Amasia, 279 ; reputation acquired 
by him, 280 ; sounds his father's 
disposition, 298 ; warned by his 
friends to beware of him, 301 ; 
one of his spies executed, ib. ; 
starts on his flight to Persia, 302 ; 
his rapidity, 304 ; his stratagems 
to deceive the Pashas of Siwas 
and Erzeroum, 304-305 ; offers 
double pay to soldiers joining 
him, 300; crosses the Araxes 
and enters Persia, 306-307 ; his 
speech to the Shah's envoys, 307 
his reception by the Shaii, 308 
his message to his father, 309 
atrocious speech of one of lus 
officers, ib, ; is seized and thrown 
into prison, 311; conjectures as 
to his probable fate, 31 1-3 12 ; 
the end of his story*, 375, 378- 
381 ; his execution, 381 ; his four 
sons share his fate,/?. ; execution 
of his infant son at Broussa, 382 

Balagnyj Governor of Cambrai, ii. 
205, and note ; his tyrannical 
conduct there, 227 

Baldly Philip, an Italian sent to 
Busbecq by the Emperor, i. 259; 
mentioned again, 263 

Baldwin^ Count of Flanders and 
Latin Emperor of Romania — 
taken and killed by the Bul- 
garians, i. 105, and note ; men- 
tioned, 130, note 

Balsam^ given by Ali Pasha to Bus- 
becq, i. 388 ; its value, 389, and 
note ; doubts thrown on its 
genuineness, 416 

Balsam-tree^ not now to be found 
in Asia Minor, i. 142 



BBR 

BasiUcuSy John, Greek adventurer 
— his story, i. 347, note ; invades 
Moldavia, 347 

Bathsy intrigues carried on in them 
by Turkish women, i. 231 

Bavaria^ the Duke of, attends 
the coronation at Frankfort, i. 
399, and note\ his health, ii. 
134 ; his handsome reception of 
the Queen, ib, ; thii]^ the 
Danube her best route, ib, \ 
presses her to remain, ib, 

Bavaria^ the Duchess of, sends 
messages and letters to the 
Queen, ii. 3 

Bavaria^ Ferdinand, Duke ofi 
meets the Queen, il 134 

Bavaria^ William, Duke of, with 
his wife meets the Queen at 
Nancy, ii. 129 ; consulted as to 
her route, 133, 137; his kind- 
ness to her, 135 ; goes to Vienna, 

137 

Belgrade y town of, described, i. 93 ; 
sieges and capture of, by the 
Tiu*ks, 94 ; fertility of the neigh- 
bourhood, 165 

Bellegardey Roger de Saint-Laryde, 
Marshal, sent as ambassador to 
Poland, ii. 61, and note ; said to 
have fallen sick, 66 

Bellih/rey Pomponne de, Ambassa- 
dor of Charles IX. in Poland, ii. 
49, and note ; likely to be sent to 
the Netherlands, 169 ; sent to 
Alen^on, 172 ; stays behind to 
arrange matters, 174; returns 
from Antwerp, 181 ; sent to King 
of Navarre, 203 

Belon {Bellonu5)y Pierre, French 
traveUer and physician, his mis- 
take about the hyena, i. 140 ; re- 
ferred to for figure of the pinna^ 

339 

Bergen, town in Brabant, taken by 
the Hollanders under their pro- 
tection, ii. 217 

Bernard, Monastery of St, outpost 
established there by garrison of 
Lier, ii. 148 ; Alengon passes the 
night there after the French 
Fury, 167 

Berry, Duchy of, the Queen's 
dower partly charged on it, ii. 109 



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INDEX TO THE LETTERS. 



315 



BES 

Besanqofiy attempt to surprise, ii. 88 

Besmcy murderer of Coligny, taken 
prisoner by the Huguenots, ii. 
99, and note 

Beyler-bey of Greece^ the, sent to 
Selim's assistance, i. 271 ; sent in 
pursuit of Bajazet, 305 ; in com- 
mand of the troops on the Per- 
sian frontier, 378 

Billy, Seigneur de, killed at the 
Antwerp bridge, ii. 247 

BiraguCy Cardinal de, Chancellor 
of France, ii. 39 ; Busbeccj^s in- 
terview with him, 87 ; contributes 
to forced loan, 98 ; his death and 
character, 208, and note 

Biron, Marshal, the probable com- 
mander in the Netherlands, ii. 
147 ; takes the command there, 
149-150 ; asks for more cavalry, 
ib, ; halts on the Somme, 1 54 ; 
joins Alengon, 156; his army, 
157 I going to the Campine, 162 ; 
said to be the author of the at- 
tempt on Antwerp, 165 ; clears 
himself of all blame, 175 ; his 
letter pressing Alengon to aban- 
don the scheme discovered, 181; 
retakes some small forts, 182 ; 
defeated at Steenbergen, and 
wounded, 184 ; at Antwerp pres- 
sing for money, 186 ; returns to 
France, 195 ; his attack on 
Cateau Cambr^sis repulsed, 202 ; 
with Navarre, 262 

Black Sea, Busbecq*s visit to it, i. 
129, 131 ; Polybius wrong in sup- 
posing it was silting up, 132 

Blaye, town near Bordeaux, gar- 
risoned by the younger de Lan- 
sac, ii. 245. 

Blots, Busbecq obliged to go 
thither, ii. 141 ; king there, 229 ; 
Busbecq goes thither to condole 
with him in the Queen's name on 
Alengon's death, 230 

Blot, Hugo de, recommended by 
Busbecq to Maximilian as libra- 
rian, ii. 73-74, and note 

Bodin, Jean, paper relating to 
French Fiury attributed to him, ii. 
171, and note 

Bokhara^ city of, visited by Turk- 
ish pilgrim, i. 360 



BRU 

Bonnivet, de, defends Endhoven, 
ii. 182 

Bosphorus, description of the Thra- 
cian, i. 129, 131 ; for distinction 
between it and the -Cimmerian 
Bosphorus, see iii, note 

Bouchain, taken by Alengon, ii. 144 

Bouillon^ Godfrey de, first King of 
Jerusalem, mentioned, L 250 

Bouillon^ the Due de, warns the 
King of the Guises' preparations, 
ii. 241, and note 

Bourbon, Charles, Cardinal de, 
claims to be successor to the 
throne, ii. 228 ; reported to intend 
to give up his orders and to 
marry the Duchesse de Mont- 
pensier, ib, ; joins the Guises, 
239 ; nominally their chief leader, 
241 ; claims the succession to the 
throne, 242 ; changes his cardi- 
nal's robes for a soldier's dress, 
243 ; with the Duke of Guise, 
246 ; a prisoner, 253, and note ; 
Parhament issues decrees in his 
name as Charles X., 256; the Le- 
gate summons the people of Lan- 
gres to acknowledge him as their 
king, 257 . . .. 

Bourbon, House of, its position, 11. 
40 ; will be heirs presumptive to 
the crown on Alengon's death, 
2si8 

Bourges, demanded by Alengon, ii. 
120; likely to surrender to Na- 
varre, 255 

Brabant, people of, pronounce 
sevene differently from the Flem- 
ings, i. 358 ; arrival of ambassa- 
dors from them, ii. 214; all 
except Antwerp and Bergen 
likely to submit, 217 

Breda, peace negotiations opened 
there, ii. 54 

Brissac, de, a Leaguer, seizes the 
citadel of Angers, ii. 245, and note 

Broussa, execution of Bajazet's in- 
fant son there, i. 382 

Bruges, obliged to call in garrison 
of Menin for its protection, ii. 
194 ; said to have submitted, 219; 
receives a Spanish garrison, 222 

Brussels, to be Alengon's residence^ 
ii. 175 J declined by him, 179 ; 



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3i6 



INDEX TO THE LETTERS. 



BUD 

threatened by Parma, 182 ; in- 
clined to go over to him, 183 ; 
thinking of surrendering, 229 ; 
surrenders, 236 

Buda^ city of, description of the, i. 
89 ; hot springs there, 90 

Buda^ the Pasha of, Busbecq's in- 
terviews with, i. 169, 396 ; see 
also Touighoun Pasha 

Bulgarians^ their bread, i. 103 ; 
dress of their women, ib, ; their 
origin, history, and language, 105, 
and note 

Bureny town in Gelderland, taken, 
ii. 90, and note 

Burgundian secretary, letter from 
him to Busbecq, i. 233 

Busbecq^ Ogier Ghiselin de, at mar- 
riage of Philip and Mary, i. ^^ ; 
summoned to Vienna, ib. ; bids 
his family farewell, ib, ; sees Don 
Pedro at Brussels, ib. ; travels to 
Vienna, ib, ; interview with Fer- 
dinand, 78 ; visits Malvezzi, ib, ; 
returns to Vienna, 82 ; prepares 
for journey and starts, ib, ; 
reaches Komom, ib, ; Gran, 83 ; 
Buda, 85 ; makes acquaintance 
with the Janissaries, 86-87 J ^is 
interview with the Pasha, 91 ; 
embarks for Belgrade, 92 ; col- 
lects coins, 93, 94, I39> ^^ > 
journeys through Servia, 95 ; 
disgusted'with Turkish inns, 98 ; 
lodges in a stable, 99; how he 
got wine, 100 ; reaches Sophia, 
102 ; Philippopolis, 106 ; Adria- 
nople, 107 ; Constantinople, 1 1 1 ; 
visits the ex-vizier Roostem, ib, ; 
sees the sights of Constantinople, 
122, et seq, ; has a dead giraffe 
dug up for examination, 128 ; 
visits die Bosphorus and Black 
Sea, 129, 131 ; starts for Amasia, 
133 ; passes through Nicomedia, 
134; Nicaea, 135 ; Angora, 139; 
enjoys sherbet and preserved 
grapes, 147 ; reaches Amasia, 
150; visits Achmet Pasha and 
the other viziers, 152 ; his first 
audience of Solyman, 152-153; 
his second, 158 ; leaves Amasia, 
159 ; ill of fever, 161 ; reaches 
Constantinople, ib, ; leaves, 162 ; 



BUS 
finds scordiuMy 164 ; has ano- 
ther fever, 166 ; in danger from 
brigands, 167-8 ; visits Pasha of 
Buda, 169 ; compensates a Turk 
for his nose, 171 ; recovers from 
his fever, ib, ; reaches Vienna, 
ib. ; effects on him of his hard- 
ships, ib, ; sent back to Constan- 
tinople, 175 ; arrives there, 176 ; 
unfavourably received by the 
Pashas, 176-178 ; left alone at 
Constantinople, 193 ; his politic 
conduct, 194-197 ; sunmioned 
to Adrianople, 199 ; alarmed by 
an earthquake, 200 ; returns to 
Constantinople, 201 ; hires a 
house, ib. ; sent back to his for- 
mer lodging, ib, ; his menagerie, 
204 ; shoots kites, 212 ; his par- 
tridges, ib, ; his horses, 214 ; his 
camels, 218 ; complains of his 
letters being intercepted, 234 ; 
Roostem tries to convert him, 
235 ; his interview with Ali 
Pasha, the eunuch, 237 ; his 
amusements and occupations, 
252 ; practises the Turkish bow 
ib. ; his visitors, 257 ; his re- 
tort on Roostem, 264 ; sees the 
Sultan leave Constantinople, 281 
-287 ; his retorts on his cavasse, 
287 ; summoned to the Turkish 
camp, ib, ; his sojourn and ob- 
servations there, 287-297 ; pre- 
sents Ferdinand's gifts to the 
Sultan, 297 ; witnesses the cele- 
bration of the Bairam, 302-304 ; 
his policy influenced by Baiazet*s 
fortimes, 313 ; apologises for his 
long letter, 314 ; overwhelmed by 
the news of the Spanish defeat, 
316 ; rescues the standard of the 
Neapolitan galleys, 322 ; be- 
comes surety for Don Juan de 
Cardona, 325 ; his charity to the 
Spanish prisoners, 326-330 ; 
fears he will lose the money ad- 
vanced to them, 329 ; good effects 
of his example, 330 ; the plague 
in his house, ib, ; allowed to im- 
port wine for his private use, 
332 ; his request to leave his 
house on account of the plague 
refused by Roostem, 3 33; granted 



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WDEX TO THE LETTERS, 



317 



BUS 

by Ali, 334 ; visits ' Quacquelben 
on his death-bed, 335-336 ; erects 
a monument to him, 337 ; goes to 
Prinkipo, ib, ; his fishing there, 
ib. ; his walk with the friar, 340 ; 
his acquaintance with the Metro- 
poUtan Metrophanes, 341-342 ; 
Pashas afraid he may escape, 

342 ; returns to Constantinople, 
ib. ; interview with Roostem, 

343 ; Ferdinand's bounty to him, 
344 ; his inquiries for Ali, 347 ; 
alarmed by the invasion of Mol- 
davia, 349; interview with AU on 
the subject, 349-351 ; sends home 
the released pilgrims, 353 ; ac- 
cused by Lavigne as a Spanish 
spy, 354 ; his interview with 
Goths from the Crimea, 355- 
359 ; with Turkish pilgrims, 359- 
364 ; feats of a mountebank he 
saw at Venice, 365 ; his confine- 
ment relaxed, ib, ; refuses to 
appease the Cadi by a bribe, 368; 
writes to encourage de Sand^, 
372 ; asks Ferdinand to intercede 
for the Spanish prisoners, 373 ; 
argues with his cavasse on pre- 
destination, 383-384 ; fears the 
effect of Bajazet's death on his 
negotiations, 385 ; hears of his 
death from Ali, ib. ; makes in- 
quiries of his friends, ib. ; his 
precautions in concluding peace, 
387 ; his presents from Ali, 388- 
389 ; starts for home, 390 ; a good 
walker, 391 ; recovers his appe- 
tite, ib. ; his application to Ibra- 
him, 395 ; reaches Buda, 396 ; 
visits the Pasha, ib. ; reaches 
Gran and Vienna, 397 ; informs 
Ferdinand of his arrival, ib. ; is 
graciously received by him, 398 ; 
longs for home, 399 ; prefers re- 
tirement to a court, 399-400 ; his 
high opinion of Hannibal, 408 ; 
books, plants, animals, &c., 
brought back by him, 414-417; 
sent a physician to Lemnos, 
416 ; his journey to Paris, ii. 3 ; 
stays at Speyer from illness, ib. ; 
his second visit to Spain, 4, note ; 
reaches Paris, 5 ; his interviews 
with Queen Elizabeth, 5-7 ; dis- 



BUS 
satisfied with the dower business, 
14 ; asks for instructions, ib. ; 
his forecast of the future, 15 ; his 
conversation at Kaiserslautem, 
ib. ; complains of Paris prices, 
19 ; intends going to the Nether- 
lands, ib. ; his interview with 
Pibrac, 29 ; his conversation 
about the dower with the Bishop 
of Paris and others, 33 ; asks for 
credentials, 34 ; goes to Lyons 
and sees the Spanish ambassador, 
ib. ; sails to Avignon, 35 ; visited 
by Bishop Montluc at Valence, 
36 ; his interviews with the King 
and Queen-Mother, 36, 37 ; with 
the Bishops of Orleans and Limo- 
ges, 37 ; sees the siege of Li vron, 
44 ; draws up ciphers, 48 ; asks 
for his salary, 50, 58, 93, 112; 
hopes Maximilian will pardon his 
being addressed as ambassador, 
50 ; asks for instructions and a 
speedy answer, 51,52; intends 
going to Brussels, 52 ; at Brus- 
sels, 53 ; returns to Paris and 
delivers Maximilian's letter to 
the King, 55 ; his audiences of the 
Queen-Mother, the Queen and 
the King, 59 ; recommends Hugo 
de Blot as librarian, 73-; asks 
Maximilian in the Queen's name 
to intercede for Montmorency, 
75 ; his interview with the Portu- 
guese ambassador, 76 ; suggests, 
if the Queen marries the King of 
Portugal, the economy of send- 
ing her direct from Paris, 78 ; 
suggests his recall, 83 ; asks for 
new credentials, 84 ; also for 
watches as presents, 84, 93 ; 
which are refused, 115 ; his audi- 
ence of the King, 85 ; his inter- 
views with Birague and de Mor- 
villiers, 87 ; requested by Maxi- 
milian to remain in Paris, 93 ; 
his answer to the Duke of Bruns- 
wick's envoy, 94; hopes the 
Queen will not be long in Paris, 
97 ; his audiences of the King, 
106, 107 ; is to accompany the 
Queen as her chief chamberlain, 
128 ; complains of the non-pay- 
ment of de Vulcob's advances, 



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INDEX TO THE LETTERS. 



BUS 

132 ; writes to Governor of Upper 
Austria, 136; obliged to go to 
Blois on the Queen's business, 
14! ; his audience of the King, 
ib. ; asks for settlement of the 
purchase of the Greek books, 
163, 188, 200 ; his account of the 
French Fury at Antwerp, 1 64- 1 68 ; 
asks for St. Hilaire's discharge, 
188 ; goes to Blois to condole 
with the King in the Queen's 
name on Alengon's death, 230; 
fears his despatches will be 
stopped, 247 ; some actually 
missing, 250 ; seldom has oppor- 
tunity of sending a letter, ib, ; 
fears the town where he is will 
be attacked, 255 ; calls the Em- 
peror's attention to the Queen's 
position, 256 ; his description of 
Navarre and Parma and their 
respective armies, 261-264 

Busbecq's house at Constantinople, 
description of, i. 201-203 

Busbecq^s servants^ their first taste 
of Turkish luxury, i. 84 ; wine as 
good as feather-beds to them, 
100; their practical joke, 124; 
quarrel between them and some 
Janissaries, 295-296 ; quarrel of 
two of them with the Cadi of 
Pera, 365-368 ; scuffle of one 
with a Janissary, 393 

Bussy (T Amboise^ notorious duellist, 
his end, ii. 191, and note 



/^ADI of Pera, his quarrel with 

^ Busbecq's servants, and its 
consequences, i. 365-368 

CaeUy seaport in Normandy, held 
by the Marquis of Elboeuf, ii. 245 

CcBsar, See Julius CcBsar 

CailoOy fort of, near Antwerp, held 
by Parma, ii. 226 

Calvi, of Genoa, and Capello, of 
Milan, sent out of France on sus- 
picion of sending money to Par- 
ma, ii. 151 

Cambrai, its restoration demanded 
by the States, ii. 173; besieged 
by Parma, 183 ; hard pressed, 
186 ; said to be handed over to 
the King of France, 195 ; Alen- 



CAT 
9on there, 198 ; its unsafe state, 

202 ; reported disturbances there, 

203 ; ongin of reports, 204; Alen- 
9on thinks of selling it to Philip, 
ib. ; held by Balagny, 206 and 
205, note ; King about to take it 
under his protection, 214; said 
to be bequeathed by Alengon to 
his mother, 222 ; a thorn in the 
side of Artois and Hainault, ib. ; 
said to be made to swear allegi- 
ance to the Queen-Mother, 225 ; 
its restoration to Spain one of 
the terms demanded by the 
League, 246 

Camelopardy dead, dug up and de- 
scribed by Busbecq, i. 128 

Camels, description of, i. 218 ; 
numbers of them in the Sultan's 
baggage-train, 219 

Campine, district in the Nether- 
lands, Biron going to the, ii. 162 

Cape Sheep J i. 1 38, and note 

Capello. See Calvi 

Caravanserai, description of a, i. 
97 

Carestran, the meeting-place be- 
tween Bajazet and his father, i. 
187 

Cardona, Don Juan de, Spanish 
officer, manages to get left at 
Chios, i. 323 ; is ransomed by his 
brother-in-law, with Busbecq's 
help, 325 

Casimir, John, son of the Elector 
Palatine, sketch of him, ii. 15, 
note ; king undertakes to pay him 
500,000 francs, 127 ; his covenant 
for mutual defence with Cond^, 
ib. ; sends one of his officers to 
Elizabeth, 130 ; will not hear of 
a truce, 131 ; sends to Queen of 
England about the Cologne busi- 
ness, 184 ; application to him 
suggested in congress of Middel- 
burg, 202 

Castella, Don Juan de, Spanish 
officer, his gallant conduct, i. 
320 

Cat, the, preferred by Turks to the 
dog, i. 225 ; Mahomet's, ib. 

Cateau Cambrhis, treaty of, Turks 
indignant at, i. 369 

Cateau Cambrdsis, town of, taken 



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3*9 



CAT 

by Parma, ii. 157 ; annoyance 
caused by its garrison, 162; 
Biron's attempt on it repulsed by 
Parma, 202 

Cathay^ or China, account of, given 
by a Turkish pilgrim, i. 359-362 

Catherine de Medici^ Queen of 
France, waits for her son at 
Lyons, ii. 7 ; offended at Pibrac's 
advice, 10; supposed to favour 
war in order to keep her power, 
II, 50; threatens execution 
of Montmorency, if his brothers 
invade France, 16 ; grants Bus- 
becq an audience, 36 ; her power 
over the King, 37 ; given good 
advice by Maximilian, 38 ; her 
illness from walking in a proces- 
sion at night, 45 ; fancies she sees 
the Cardinal's ghost, 46, and 
note ; offers the Queen her ser- 
vices, 55 ; her unpopularity, 57 ; 
her regard for Maximilian, 59 ; 
tries to keep Alen9on quiet, 95 ; 
follows him, 102 ; interview bis- 
tween them, 103; regrets she 
cannot bid Elizabeth farewell, 
122 ; concludes a six months' 
truce with Alen9on, 126 ; intends 
visiting certain towns to per- 
suade them to admit him, 127 ; 
invested with the government in 
the King's absence, 145, 183 ; 
grants Don Antonio an audience, 
161 ; her claims on Portugal, ib, 
and note ; her exclamation on 
hearing of the French Fury, 167 ; 
intends visiting Alen9on, 180; 
indignant at his folly, 181 ; dis- 
gusted at the King's neglect of 
his duties, 182 ; rebukes his con- 
fessor, ib, ; Alengon puts off her 
visit, ib, ; goes to Boulogne to 
see him, 184 ; meets him at La 
F^re, 185 ; incensed with her 
daughter for her conduct, 193 ; 
returns to La F^re, 194 ; goes to 
Alen9on at Chiteau Thierry, 202; 
and then to Laon, ib. ; returns to 
Paris, 203 ; again goes to Alen- 
gon, 209 ; visited by him, 213 ; 
her advice to him, ib, ; visits 
him, 217 ; said to be sick with 
grief, 218 ; her grief for Alengon 



CHA 
genuine, 221 ; importuned by 
Netherland ambassadors, 224 ; 
strongly supports their appeal to 
the King, 225 ; resolved to keep 
Cambrai, 228 ; goes to the Loire, 
ib, ; her hatred of Spain, 235 ; 
her answer to the Netherland 
ambassadors, 237 ; with the 
Duke of Guise, 246 

Cavassesy nature of their office, i. 
85, 201 ; Busbecq's cavasse in- 
duces the Pashas to confine him 
in his old quarters, 201 ; their 
general behaviour to Busbecq, 
258 ; rudeness of one, and Bus- 
becq's retaliation, 259-260 ; one 
tries to prevent Busbecq seeing 
the Sultan's departure, 281 ; Bus- 
becq retorts on him, 287 ; Bus- 
becq's argument with his cavasse 
on predestination, 383-384. 

Champagny, M. de, brother ot 
Cardinal Granvelle, in danger at 
Ghent on account of alleged con- 
spiracy, ii. 209 

Chanvallon^ M. de, former favou- 
rite of Alengon, and lover of the 
Queen of Navarre, flies to Ger- 
many, ii. 193; his manners and 
appearance, ib, 

CharitSy La, town of, demanded by 

• Alengon, ii. 120 

Charlemagne, the Emperor, dis- 
persed the Saxons, i. 359 ; House 
of Guise said to be descended 
from him, ii. 238 

Charles^ V,, the Emperor, his truce 
with the Turks, i. 78 ; Turkish 
recollection of his victories, 318 ; 
standard with his arms rescued 
by Busbecq, 322-323 ; etiquette 
at his court, ii. 159-160 

Charles IX,, King of France, g[ues- 
tions as to his leaving a will, ii. 
^^ ; had appointed his brother 
Henry his Lieutenant, 104 

Charlotte de Bourbon, daughter of 
the Duke of Montpensier, her 
marriage with the Prince of 
Orange, ii. 66, and note ; her 
death, 142 

Chartres, attempt on town of, ii. 98 ; 
Nevers' head-quarters, 102 ; said 
to have gone over to Navarre, 255 



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INDEX TO THE LETTERS. 



CHA 

ChatUs, M. de, a Knight of Malta, 
commanding Don Antonio's fleet, 
ii. i88 

ChederUy fabulous hero identified 
by the Turks with St George, 
l^end of, i. 148-150 

Chios, tame partridges from,L 212; 
how reared, 213; its Genoese in- 
habitants, and its form of govern- 
ment, 323, and ftote ; Spanish 
officers left there, ib, 

Cicero, his statements as to the 
pinna and pinna-guard referred 
to, i. 339 

Ciphers, Pashas puzzled by sup- 
posed, i. 233; Busbecq draws 
some up, ii. 48 

Claudius, the Emperor, the story of 
his murder alluded to, i. 172 

Clervant, M. de, Huguenot leader, 
taken prisoner, ii. 104, and note 

Cocq, Jerome de, Busbecq asks his 
salary to be paid to, ii. 50 

Codignac, M. de, French Ambassa- 
dor at Constantinople, his quar- 
rel with his successor, i. 370 

Coins, ancient, found by Busbecq, 

i. 94, 139, HI 

Colchians, See Mingrehans 

Cologne, disturbances at, ii. 162, 
and note ; King hopes to profit 
by them, 185 

Compilgne, attempt to surprise, 
ii. 88 

Condd, Prince de, expected to 
take the field, ii. 32 ; messenger 
from him at Avignon, 41 ; some 
wish him sent to Hungary against 
the Turk, 49 ; likely to invade 
France, 68 ; terms of peace to be 
referred to him, 70 ; suggestion 
that he should go to assist 
Orange, 72 ; said to be coming 
with an army, 88 ; Mezi^res ap- 
pointed as his residence, 127 ; 
his covenant for mutual defence 
with Casimir, ib, ; will not hear 
of a truce, 131 ; spoken of for the 
command in the Netherlands, 
233 ; marriage reported between 
him and Navarre's sister, ib, ; re- 
port of a bull declaring him dis- 
qualified to succeed to the 
throne, 243, 249 ; marches on 



. DEN 

Angers, but fails in his enter- 
prise, 248 

Constantinople, description of, 
and its antiquities, &c, i. 122- 
127 ; the Sultan's sons not 
allowed to enter, 187 ; entry of 
Turkish fleet into, 321 

Coss^, Mardchal de, imprisoned in 
the Bastile, il 8 ;* sketch of him, 
ib., note ; his illness, 19 ; will 
probably go with Montmorency 
to Alen^on, 105 

Crane, story of a Balearic, i. 207 

Cratevas, a Greek herbalist, frag- 
ments of, in Busbecq's MS. of 
Dioscorides, i. 417, and note 



ryADIAN, King of the Mingre- 
J-^ lians, his appearance and 
character, i. 245 ; his capture and 
escape, 246-247 ; his presents to 
Solyman, 251-252 
Dalmatian horseman, his objec- 
tion to fire-arms, i. 241-242 
Damville, Comte de, afterwards 
Due de Montmorency, sketch of 
him, ii. 11, note ; summoned by 
the King, tb. ; said to have caused 
Montpellier to revolt, 22 ; to have 
made an attempt on Avignon, 23; 
prepares to defend himself, 32 ; 
carries war through Languedoc 
and Guienne, 56 ; report of his 
death, 68, and note\ terms of 
peace to be referred to him, 70 ; 
comes to life again, '^^ ; King 
wishes to deprive him of his 
government, 187; intended cam- 
paign against him, 214 ; pro- 
nounced contumacious by the 
Parliament, ib. ; campaign given 
up, 218 ; said to be appointed 
Constable of France by Navarre, 

255 
Dantztc, amber merchant of, at 

Constantinople, i. 257 
Dauphin, the Prince. See Mont- 

pensier 
Delegates from the rebels expected 

in Paris, and their demands, ii. 

57, 60 ; sent back with the 

King's answer, 60 
Dendermonde, Alen^on withdraws 



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INDEX TO THE LETTERS, 



321 



DEN 
thither, ii. 168; attacked by 
Parma, 226 

Denmark, King of. application to 
the, suggested in Congress of 
Middelburg, ii. 202 ; his eldest 
daughter married to King James 
of Scotland, 258 

Derby, Earl of, comes to Paris as 
the bearer of the Order of the 
Garter from Queen Elizabeth to 
the King, ii. 234 ; his magnificent 
reception, 237 ; his departure, ib, 

Diest, town belonging to Prince of 
Orange, blockaded by Parma, ii. 
157 ; surrenders to him, 162 ; re- 
covered by him, 183 

Dietrichstein, Adam von, Austrian 
Baron, i. 325, note ; ransoms his 
brother-in-law, ib, 

Dijon, th^ Pope's legate sunmions 
people of Langres to, ii. 257 ; 
transfers their bishopric to, ib. 

Dioscorides, famous MS. of, found 
by Busbecq at Constantinople, 
i. 417, and note 

Divan, custom of entertaining am- 
bassadors on leaving in Ae, i. 
IS9> 387 ; meaning of the word, 
197 ; Busbecq and his colleagues 
summoned thither, ib, ; scene 
there, 232-234 ; de Sand^ brought 
before, 325 ; debate there as to 
whether Busbecq should be al- 
lowed to bring wine into Con- 
stantinople, 332 

Divorce, Turkish laws about, i. 230 

Dixmudey hard pressed, ii. 194 

Djerb^y account of the Spanish de- 
feat at, i. 317, note, and 317-321 

Dodona, the oak of, alluded to, 
i. 272 

Dorothea, sister of the Duke of 
Lorraine, her marriage, ii. 124, 
129 

Dower, the Queen's, Duchy of 
Berry said to be assigned as, ii. 
20 ; further reports about it, 26 ; 
Pibrac's statement about it, 30 ; 
impossible to get the whole 
charged on Crown Lands, 53, 
56 ; two proposals as to settle- 
ment thereof, 85 ; valuation made 
of property assigned for it, 108 ; 
final arrangement about it, 109 

VOL. II. 



ELI 

Duck, species of, whose cry was 

like a post horn, i. 1 39 
Duel, a, in France, ii. 1 88-1 91 
Duelling^ Turkish opinion about, i. 

244 



PARTHQUAKE, at Adriano- 

-^-^ pie, i. 200 ; at Constanti- 
nople, ib, 

Egtnont, Count, Louise de Vaude- 
mont his niece, ii. 51 ; his brother 
compromised by Salceda's evid- 
ence, 154 

E^ypt, eggs artificially hatched in, 
i. 214 ; disaffected to the Turks, 

273 

Elboeuf^ Marquis of, cousin of the 
Duke of Guise, one of the leaders 
of the League, ii. 241 ; seizes 
Caen, 245 

Elephant, tiat danced and played 
ball, i. 128 

Elizabeth^ Queen of England, peace 
renewed between her and France, 
ii. 60 ; anecdote of her, 61 ; said 
to have sent Alengon money, 143; 
conspiracy against her, 212 ; 
sends the Garter to the King, 
235 ; reported attempt on her 
life, 240 ; offers the King 6,000 
horse, 246; fresh conspiracy 
against her, 247 ; openly takes 
Holland and Zealand under her 
protection, 251 

Elizabeth, daughter of Maximihan, 
widow of Charles IX., sends her 
carriages for Busbecq, ii. 5 ; her 
proposed marriage to Henry III., 
6 ; the general topic of conversa- 
tion, 1 1 ; her uncomfortable posi- 
tion in Paris, 14; difficulties 
about her dower, ib, ; her illness 
apprehended, 22; her recovery, 
24; questions as to her future 
arrangements, 25 ; report of her 
marriage to Henry III. discre- 
dited, 27 ; her health, 29 ; mar- 
riage with King of Portugal 
talked of, 30, ^^ ; arrangements 
as to her establishment and re- 
turn, 31,32 ; wishes Busbecq to 
go to the King, 33 ; her escort 
home, 47 ; consults Busbecq as 



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INDEX TO THE LETTERS, 



ELI 

to her conduct to the new Queen, 
51 ; shows him the Queen- Mo- 
ther's letter, ib, ; suggested for 
the governorship of me Nether- 
lands, 54 ; how her current ex- 
penses are to be provided, ib. ; 
intends going to Amboise after 
Easter, 58 ; anxious to see her 
daughter, but prevented by want 
of funds, 64; no money to pay 
her servants, 65 ; her position 
intolerable, 67 ; longs to return 
and also to see her daughter, yZ ; 
her poverty, ib, ; her illness 
caused by anxiety, 79 ; arrange- 
ments about her journey, 84, 1 1 5, 
119, 123; the municipality of 
Paris inclined to defray her ex- 
penses, 91 ; requires money, 92 ; 
receives proposal from Duke Eric 
of Brunswick, 94 ; starts for Am- 
boise, 96 ; arrives there, 97 ; the 
date of her departure, 109 ; ques- 
tions about her route, iio-iii ; 
her anxiety to leave, 113 ; sends 
Orleans wine to her father, 124 ; 
starts from Paris, 128 ; arrives at 
Nancy, 129; present at the 
Duke of Brunswick's wedding, 
ib, ; sends courier to Madame 
d'Aremberg, 130; arrives at Bile, 
Augsburg, and Munich, 133, 134; 
whether her route is to be by 
land or water, 133 ; her health, 
135 ; anxious to reach her father, 
136; her life and character, ib, 
note ; business relating to her, 
141 ; her rights disregarded, 172; 
curtailment of her income from 
the troubles in France probable, 
256 

Elizabeth, daughter of the preced- 
ing, probably will not be allowed 
to leave France, ii. s^S ; is deli- 
cate, 58 ; description of her, 97, 
and note 

Elkass Mirza, assisted by Solyman 
against his brother. Shah Tah- 
masp, i. 301 

Endhoven, town in Brabant, capi- 
tulates, ii. 182 

English ambassador suspected of 
intriguing with Alen^on, ii. 99- 
100 See also Derby ^ Earl of 



EVR 

Epemon, Duke of, favourite of the 
King, applies for governorship of 
Brittany, ii. 172 ; King wishes 
the Duke of Lorraine to give him 
his daughter, 176 ; description of 
him, 177 ; King wishes to make 
him governor of Metz, 184 ; 
Alen^on advised to secure his 
interest, 213; escorts Alengon on 
his departure, 214; sent to the 
King of Navarre, 220 ; honour- 
ably received by him, 223 ; ill of 
scrofula, 230 ; his reported mar- 
riage to Navarre's sister, 242 ; 
finds out where his hat is, 246 ; 
sent to his command at Metz, 251 

Eric, Duke of Brunswick, proposes 
for Elizabeth, ii. 94, and note ; 
reported preparations for his 
marriage to Dorothea, the Duke 
of Lorraine's sister, 124 ; his 
wedding, 129 

Ernest, the Archduke, suspected of 
being concerned in the affair of 
Antwerp, ii. 168 ; Philip II.'s 
daughter said to be betrothed to 
him, ib. 

Erzeroum, the Pasha of, how de- 
ceived by Bajazet, i. 304-305 ; 
afterwards put to death by Selim, 

305 

Esptnoy, Prince X)f, accompanies 
the Netherland ambassadors to 
France, ii. 234 

Essek, town of, famous battle there, 
i. 166 

Este, the Cardinal of, applies for 
the honour of escorting the 
Queen, ii. 55, and note ; accom- 
panies her to Bourg-la-Reine, 
96 ; appointed to escort her, 126; 
returns to Paris on account of 
plot to waylay him, 130 

EstrSeSy d\ family of, banished from 
Court, ii. 13 

Etampes, town of, taken by Navarre, 
ii. 252 

Eunuchs of Solyman's bed-cham- 
ber, the chief of the, procures 
Piald Pasha's pardon, i. 324 ; de 
Sand^ recalled at his wish, 326. 
See also Hassan Aga 

EvreuXf town of, threatened by 
Navarre, ii. 258 



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INDEX TO THE LETTERS, 



323 



FAS 



fPASTy the Turkish, how kept, i. 



I^ 



290-291 



Ferdinand, King of Hungary and 
Bohemia, King of the Romans 
and afterwards Emperor, sum- 
mons Busbecq to Vienna, i. 77 ; 
Busbecq's interview with him, 
78 ; sends Malvezzi to the Porte, 
ib. ; recovers Transylvania, 79 ; 
sends Zay and Wranczy to the 
Porte, 80 ; engaged at the Impe- 
rial Diet, 172 ; sends Busbecq 
back to Constantinople, 175 ; his 
bounty to Busbecq, 344; at 
Frankfort, 397 ; receives Busbecq 
graciously, 398 ; panegyric on 
him, 401-414 ; his Fabian tactics, 
409 ; his difficulties, 41 1 

Ferdinand^ the Archduke, sees 
Busbecq at Vienna, i. 171-172 ; 
commands at the relief of 
Szige^h, 237 ; honour he thereby 
acquired, 239; declines to give 
Ibrahim an audience except in- 
cognito, 398 

Ferrara, the Duke of, a candidate 
for the Polish crown, ii. 43 

Ferrier, M. de, formerly Ambassa- 
dor at Venice, sent by the King 
to the King of Navarre, ii. 182 

Fervaques, officer of Alengon, said 
to be the suggester of the French 
Fury, ii. 169 ; a prisoner, iK ; his 
execution demanded by the Ant- 
werp citizens, 175 ; presented by 
Alengon with an abbacy, 181 ; 
attempt to assassinate him, 209 

FiescOy the Comte de, account of 
him, ii. 26, and note ; mentioned 
33 ; refuses to leave the Queen's 
service, 52 

Fire-arms, objection of the Turks 
to, i. 242-243 

Flagellants, guilds of, ii. 45 ; new 
guild of, instituted by the King, 
179 ; punishment of footmen who 
mocked, 180 

Flushing, town of, bought by 
Orange, ii. 183 

Foix, Francois de, Comte de Can- 
dale and Bishop of Aire, dedi- 
cates a translation of Hermes 
Trismegistus to Maximilian, ii. 
1 7, and note 



GER 
Fontenay, town in Poitou, besieged, 

ii. 10; taken, 12 
Forez, county of Le, the Queen's 

dower partly charged on, ii. 109 
France, M. de, the Queen's first 

steward, ii. 33 
France, state of, ii. 38-42, 48-50, 

67-68, 70-73, 77, 87-89; no 

money but French or Spanish 

allowed in, 151 ; dreadful wea- 
ther in, 163 ; on the brink ot 

war, 241 
Francis L, influences the Sorbonne 

to decide in Henry VlII.'s 

favour, ii. 27 
Franciscan friar, story of a, i. 340 
Frederic III,, Emperor, his alliance 

with the House of Portugal, ii. 

77, and note 
Frederic III, Elector Palatine, his 

reception of Henry III., ii. 15 

note 
Fregosi, a great Genoese family, ii. 

89, and note 
French gentlemen, their characters, 

ii. 72, 92 
FUnfkirchen, Bishop of, defeated 

by Ali Pasha, i. 236 



r^ AN NAT, town in the Bour- 
^ bonnais, added to the Queen's 

dower, ii. 109 
Gaston, Don. See Medina-Celi, 

Duke of. 
Genoa, a safety-valve for restless 

Frenchmen, ii. 89 
George, St,, identified by the Turks 

with their hero, Chederle, i. 

148 ; how painted by the Greeks, 

1 50 ; greatly venerated by the 
> Mingrelians, 251 
Georgians, their prudent answer 

when asked to attack the Shah, 

i. 377 

Germain, St., en Laye, King at, ii. 
211 ; reforms of assembly at, ib, ; 
King returns thither, 230 

German reiters, report that 2,000 
are coming to join Damville, iL 
96 ; defeated by Guise, 104 ; 
more reported to be coming, 1 10, 
113, 119; said to have crossed 
the Rhine, 127 ; scouring the 



Y 2 



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324 



INDEX TO THE LETTERS, 



GHB 
country, 129 ; seen from the 
ramparts of Nancy, 131 ; 1,500 
hired by Alen^on, near Cambrai, 
143 ; Navarre said to be hiring, 
212; rumours of some being 
brought to France, 239; much 
dreaded in France, 249 

Ghent, battle before, ii. 148 ; alleged 
conspiracy detected there, 209 ; 
Parma^s envoys courteously re- 
ceived there, 217 ; said to have 
come to terms with him, 219 ; 
admits the troops of Orange, 
222 ; submits to Parma, 229 

GhourebaSy name of a regiment of 
the Imperial guard, i. 154, and 
note ; mentioned, 283 

Gienger, Cosmo, governor of Upper 
Austria, ii. 138, and note 

Gillesy or Gyllius, Peter, French 
traveller, referred to, i. 132, and 
note 

Goatsucker, cruel treatment of a, 
by a Venetian goldsmith, i. 226, 
and note 

Coigny, Seigneur de, officer of 
King of Spain, seen at Cambrai, 
ii. 204 

Goldfinches, tricks of trained, i. 
228 

Goldsmith, story of a Venetian 
goldsmith and a bird, i. 226 

Goths remaining in the Crimea, i. 
355-359, and 355 not^ ; vocabu- 
lary of their language, 357-359 

Gotzen, Dr. Joachim, sent by Duke 
Eric of Brunswick to propose 
for the Queen, ii. 94 

Gran, city of, description of, i. 83 ; 
surprised by the Imperial troops, 
239 

Grapes, Turkish mode of preserv- 
ing, i. 147-148 

Greeks, their superstitions about 
unclean food, i. 124; test Soly- 
man's prohibition of wine, 332- 

333 
Guadagni, an Italian in the French 

service, seneschal of Lyons, ii. 

40 ; sent to Maximilian, 31 ; hi^ 

statement to him, 47 
Guast, Louis du, one of the King's 

favourites, his murder, ii. 116, 

and note-, his quarrel with Thord, 



HEN 

117; his splendid mode of life, 
118; debts left by him, 1 19 

Guise, Henry, Duke of, le Balafr^, 
hostile to Alen^on, ii. 95 ; ac- 
companies the Queen to the 
gates of Paris, 96 ; appointed 
the King's Lieutenant, 98 ; de- 
feats the German reiters, 104; 
wounded, 105 ; his triumphal re- 
turn to Paris, 121 ; offers to go 
to Alen^on's rescue, 167 ; one of 
the leaders of the League, 241 ; 
declares he is simply a private 
gentleman fighting for the 
League, 246 ; takes Verdun, 247 

Guise, the young Duke of, a pri- 
soner, ii. 253, and note 

Guise, House of, its position, ii. 40; 
its hereditary feuds with House 
of Navarre, 176-177 ; sets the 
League on foot, 238 ; its claims 
to the throne, ib, ; understanding 
with the Pope and the King of 
Spain, 239 ; prepares for a cam- 
paign, 241 ; its reasons for offence, 
242 

Guises, their party striving to make 
themselves masters of France, ii. 
224 

GUns, town in Styria, taken by 
Solyman, i. 409 



TTALYS (Kizil Irmak), the 
-^-^ river, fishing in, i. 145 
HarracK Rodolph von, a minister 

of Ferdinand's, i. 412 
Hassan Aga, chief of the eunuchs 
of the bed-chamber, sent as am- 
bassador to Persia, L 380 ; and 
again as Bajazet's executioner, 

381 
Havre de Grdce, likely to surrender 

to Navarre, ii. 255 
Hawking, Solyman's taste for it, i. 

198 
Hebrus, or Maritza, the river, i. 

106, 107 
Henry, one of Busbecq's servants, 

his quarrel with the Janissary of 

Tolna, i. 302-396 ; does not take 

de Sandy's remonstrance in good 

part, 394 
Henry VHL^ ICin^ of England, de- 



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INDEX TO THE LETTERS. 



32s 



HEN 

cision of the Sorbonne on the va- 
lidity of his marriage, ii. 27, and 
note 
Henry IILy King of France, his 
obligations to Maximilian, ii, 6, 
note ; expected at Lyons, 7 ; 
hires Swiss and other troops, 8 ; 
arrives at Lyons, 9 ; resolves to 
continue the war, 12 ; and begins 
it with a light heart, 13 ; offers 
an amnesty, id, ; cedes certain 
towns to the Duke of Savoy, id, ; 
his reception by the Elector Pa- 
latine, 15, note; his return to 
Paris uncertain, 20 ; publishes a 
second edict, 23 ; report of his 
marriage to his brother's widow 
discredited and why, 27 ; likely 
to go to Avignon, 28 ; said to 
have fallen in love with Louise de 
Vaudemont, 32 ; gives Busbecq 
an audience, 36, 55, 59, 85, 106, 
107 ; under his mother's influ- 
ence, 37 ; sets out for Rheims, 
38 ; his character, 43 ; wishes to 
keep Poland for one of his chil- 
dren, id, ; at the Cardinal de 
Lorraine's funeral, 46 ; orders his 
ambassador at Constantinople to 
support Maximihan's interests, 
49, and note ; about to marry 
Louise de Vaudemont, 51 ; his 
unpopularity 57 ; gives away all 
Damville's offices, 69 ; cannot 
digest the rebel demands, 70; 
suffering from influenza, 74 ; 
raises fresh cavalry, 81 ; pro- 
mises an escort for Elizabeth, 
84, 86 ; his goodwill to Maxi- 
milian, 86 ; hopes Montmotency 
is innocent, ib. ; convenes a mock 
States-General, 87 ; orders the 
crops in Languedoc to be burnt, 
88 ; his amusements, 91 ; wishes 
to keep Poland, 92 ; accom- 
panies the Queen to the gates of 
Paris, 96 ; his military prepara- 
tions, 97 ; appoints Guise his 
lieutenant, 98 ; orders the am- 
bassadors to move into Paris, 
100 ; sends Nevers in pursuit of 
Alen^on, 102 ; his remarks on 
Alen9on's conduct, 107 ; his in- 
terference in the quarrel between 



HEN 

du Guast and Thor^, 118; re- 
grets the Queen's departure, 123 ; 
sends Maximilian a present of 
grey-hounds and lime-hounds, 
124; undertakes to pay Casimir 
and his troops 500,000 francs, 
127 ; pledges jewels 10 Duke of 
Lorraine, ib. ; his unwilling con- 
sent to the truce, 128 ; disclaims 
all responsibility for Alengon, 
141 ; goes to Lyons, 145 ; his 
fondness for pilgrimages, 145, 
156, and note ; goes to Bourbou- 
les- Bains, 149 ; more favourable 
to Alengon's enterprise, 1 50 ; wit- 
nesses Salceda's execution, 153 ; 
his interview with him, 1 54 ; his 
reply to the Spanish ambassador, 
155 ; makes a pilgrimage to 
N6tre Dame de Liesse, 1 56 ; 
commands the Bretons to build 
fifty galleys, ib, ; orders money 
to be paid to Alen9on, ib, ; ex- 
pected in Paris, 158 ; sends com- 
missioners through France, ib, ; 
who returned without success, 
172 ; his financial expedients, 
160 ; his extravagance, 172, 178; 
his conduct unfavourably criti- 
cised, 173 ; moves troops to the 
frontier, ib, ; presses the Duke 
of Lorraine to betroth his daugh- 
ter to Epemon, 176; his affec- 
tion for Joyeuse and Epernon, 
178 ; institutes a new order of 
Flagellants, 179; orders footmen 
who mimicked the Flagellants to 
be whipped, 180 ; his devotion to 
religious observances, 182 ; sends 
M. de Ferriei to the King of 
Navarre, ib, ; going to Foullen- 
braye to drink the Spa waters, 
183 ; in bad health, ib, ; urged 
by the Pop** to accept and pub- 
lish the decrees of the Council of 
Treiit, 184; wishes to make 
Epernon governor of Metz, ib, ; 
hopes to profit by the troubles at 
Cologne, 185 ; will go to Lyons, 
ib, ; sends a courier with an au- 
tograph letter to Joyeuse, 187 ; 
hurries back to Paris, ib, ; going 
to Lyons, ib, ; his outbreak 
against his sister, 192 ; writes to 



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326 



INDEX TO THE LETTERS. 



HEN 

Navarre accusing her, 193 ; stts 
out for Lyons to meet Joyeuse, 
194 ; his demands from th Pope 
through Joyeuse, 197 ; refused, 
198 ; goes to Saint-Germain en 
Laye on account of the plague, 
201 ; his financial difficulties, ^. ; 
not sorry for Alen^on's absence, 
203 ; regrets his outburst against 
his sister, ib. ; said to have writ- 
ten to Alen^on cautioning him, 
305 ; holding assemblies at Saint- 
Germain, 206; attempts to en- 
force his sumptuary laws about 
dress, 207 ; intends to reform, 
210 ; in retirement at Saint-Ger- 
main, 211 ; returns to Paris, 213; 
meets Alen^on, ib, ; going to take 
Cambrai under his p»'otection, 
214 ; resolved to make Joyeuse^s 
father governor of Languedoc, ib. ; 
his attack on the Prior of Cham- 
pagne, 215-216, and note ; gives 
up his campaign against Dam- 
ville, 218 ; estranged from his 
wife, 219 ; said to be thinking of 
a divorce, 220 ; sends Epernon 
to Aquitaine, ib, ; intends going 
to Lyons, ib. ; wears black mourn- 
ing for Alen9on, 221 ; goes to 
Lyons, 224 ; asks Navarre to 
come to him, offering to make 
him Lieutenant- General of the 
kingdom, ib, ; returns from Lyons, 
227 ; building a church for him- 
self and his penitents, ib. ; his 
campaign against vice, ib, ; goes 
to the Loire, 228 ; is driven 
away from Blois by the plague 
and returns to Saint- Germain, 
230 ; has a chance of trying his 
power of healing scrofula, 231 ; 
undecided as to assisting the 
Netherlanders, 232 ; grants their 
ambassadors a private audience, 
234; invested with the Garter, 235; 
reluctant to take up the cause of 
the Netherlands, ib, ; distressed 
at attempt to assassinate Navarre, 
236 ; his final answer to the Ne- 
therland ambassadors, 237 ; sus- 
pected of secretly approving of the 
Guises' plans, 240 ; neglects the 
Duke of Bouillon's warning, 241 ; 



HEN 

difficulties of his position^ 244 ; 
sends deputies in vain, 246 ; on 
condition of receiving 100,000 
crowns a month from the clergy, 
orders the Huguenots to leave 
France within fifteen days, 247- 
248, and note ; recalls his army, 
248 ; s^uestrates NavaTe's pro- 
perty, 249 ; resolves not to let a 
H uguenot remain in France, 250; 
sends some Huguenot women to 
England under his safe conduct, 
ib, ; given up to his devotions 
and living like a hermit, ib. ; 
Parliament removed to Tours by 
hiin, 256 
Henry^ King of Navarre and Duke 
of Vend6me, afterwards King ot 
France, his position and family, 
ii. 7, note ; waits at Lyons for 
the King, 7 ; attends the Cardinal 
of Lorraine's funeral, 46 ; accom- 
panies the Queen to the gates of 
Paris, 96 ; receives his wife cour- 
teously, 203 ; demands her pun- 
ishment if guilty, otherwise that 
of her accusers, 204 ; said to 
have sent to Germany to hire 
reiters, 212 ; given the duchy of 
Alengon, 222 ; receives Epernon 
honourably, 223 ; well qualified 
to lead an army to the Nether- 
lands, 233 ; likely to give his 
sister to Cond^, ib. ; attempt to 
assassinate him, 235-236, and 
7iote ; his accession dreaded by 
the Guises, 238 ; on his guard, 
240; reported Bull declaring him 
disqualified for the throne, 243, 
and note ; offers assistance to the 
King, 246 ; Bull declaring him 
and Cond^ disqualified to suc- 
ceed, 749, and note ; his property 
sequestrated by the king, ib, ; at- 
tacks the faubourgs of Paris, 251 ; 
retreats aft.r offering battle, 
252 ; ret ikes Etampes, ib. ; his 
plans for the winter, 253 ; takes 
Vendome and Le Mans, 254 ; 
h s reported coronation, ib, ; his 
declaration about religion, 255 ; 
said to have made Montmorency 
Constable, ib. ; convenes the 
States-General at Tours, 257 ; 



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327 



HER 
attacks Evreux, 258; summons 
Rouen, 259 ; besieges Paris, ib, ; 
Cardinal de Gondi and the 
Archbishop of Lyons sent to him, 
260 ; threatens to break off ne- 
gotiations, 261 ; places his cannon 
at St Denis, ib, ; contrasted as a 
general with Parma and com- 
parison of their armies, 262-264 

Hermes Tristnegistus^ reputed work 
of, translated by Fran9ois de 
Foix, ii. 1 8, and «^/^ 

Heydonsy kind of banditti, i. 92 ; 
Busbecq escapes an attack from 
them, 167 ; their insolence in- 
veighed against by Solyman, 390 

Hilaire, SL, French cadet in Ro- 
dolph's service, his discharge re- 
quested, ii. 188 

Horses, Busbecq's, i. 214 ; account 
of Turkish, how they are reared, 
trained, &c., 2 1 5-2 1 7 

Humayoum, Mogul Emperor of 
Delhi, i. 299, and note 

Hungarian nobles, certain, go over 
from the Voivode to Ferdinand, 
i. 386 

Hungary, its great fertility, i. 165 ; 
events there, 236-242 

Hyena, account of the, i. 140 ; used 
for love-charms, ib, ; story about 
it, 141 



/BRAHIM Pasha, a eunuch, go- 
vernor of Constantinople, i. 1 1 1 ; 
sent to Ghemlik to execute Mus- 
tapha's son^ 1 20-1 21 ; his escape 
from the women of Ghemlik, 122 
Ibrahim, the interpreter, a Polish 
renegade, his notion of a cipher, 
i. 233 ; disgraced by Lavigne's 
and restored by Busbecq's influ- 
ence, 370 ; his gratitude, ib, ; 
encourages Busbecq to ask for de 
Sandy's release, 372 ; appointed 
to go to the Emperor wiih Bus- 
becq, 387 ; rates the Janissary of 
Tolna for his conduct, 395 ; is to 
go to Frankfort, 398 ; wishes to 
visit the Archduke Ferdinand, 
ib, ; witnesses the coronation, 
has an audience of the Emperor, 
and is sent home, 399 



JAN 
Using, ii. 64, note ; notice of the 

Queen's departure to be given to 

him, 120 ; notice sent to him, 124 
Imaret, Turkish word for hostel, i. 

lie 
Imbize, accuses nobles at Ghent of 

conspiracy against the authorities 

of the city, ii. 209, and note 
Imeritians, a Georgian tribe, i. 246; 

their feuds with the Mingrelians 

246-247 
Isabella, widow of John Zapolya, 

returns to Transylvania, i. 236 
Ismael, son of Shah Tahmasp, a 

deadly enemy of the Turks, i. 

300-301 
Italian merchants of Pisa, their 

charity to the Spanish prisoners, 

i- 330 
Itahan-Greek, his reasons for refus- 
ing to help the prisoners, i. 330 
Italian renegadoes, i. 294-296 
Italians, strong feeling in France 

against Italians in the French 

service, ii. 39-40 



<>f:ACKALS, i. 135 
•/ Jcigodin, Servian village, Bus- 
becq sees a Servian funeral there, 

i-95 

James, King of Scotland, said to be 
a prisoner, ii. 148 ; said to be 
about to attack England, and 
also to marry a Spanish princess, 
ib, ; marries daughter of the King 
of Denmark, 258 

Janissaries, account of the i. 86- 
»7, and note ; a few stationed in 
each town as police, 86, 392 ; 
employed as firemen, 151 ; sus- 
pected of incendiarism, ib. ; how 
Busbecq put his escort of 
Janissaries in good humour, 
199; their tents, 222 ; their equip- 
ment and mode of fighting, 223 ; 
herp Busbecq to get out, 282 ; 
procession of, 285 ; defend their 
conduct against Busbecq's ca- 
vasse, 287 ; frugal dinner of one, 
289 ; their punishments, 293 ; 
quarrel of some with Busbecq s 
servants, 295-296 ; how they are 
regarded by the Sultan, 296 ; 



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3^8 



INDEX TO THE LETTERS, 



JAN 

entitled to the Sultan's dinner on 

the day of Bairam, 304. 
Janissary stationed €U Tolna^ his 

quarrel with Busbecq's servants, 

i. 392-396 
Jekangir^ Solyman's youngest son, 

his appearance, character, and 

death, 1. 178-179 
Jews^ Busbecq finds himself in a 

house full of, i. 282 ; two sent by 

Janissary of Tolna to Busbecq, 

395 
Jometon^ mentioned, ii. 74 
Joveuse^ account of the Duke of, a 
favourite of the King, iL 177-178; 
his pilgrimage to Loreto, and visit 
to the Pope, 185 ; given the go- 
vernorship of Normandy, 188 ; 
his instructions on going to Italy, 
197 ; Alen^on advised to secure 
his interest, 213 ; escorts Alen^on 
in his departure, 214; King 
wishes to make his father gover- 
nor of Languedoc, ^. ; his quar- 
rel with the Due de Mercoeur, 
219 ; its origin, 220, 245 ; mar- 
ches to recover places seized by 
the Due d'Aumale, 245 

Juliersy Duke of, at the coronation 
at Frankfort, L 399, and note 

Julius Ccesar^ his opinion of his 
soldiers, L 223 ; his intention in 
mounting the tenth legion, 224 ; 
his despatch of Veni^ vidi, iHci, 
408 

7umusysecretaxy to the late Elector 
Palatine, sent by the States to 
Alen^on, ii. 198, and note 

Juppenbier (spruce beer), a barrel 
of, presented to Busbecq, and its 
effect on his guests, i. i^'j-t.^^ 

T^ANCNS, or Turkish Domes- 
■* *• day Book, i. 142, and note 
Katzianer, Austrian General, his 

defeat alluded to, i. 166 
AV2//, Island in the Danube, i. 167 
Khodja, story of a, at a Pasha's 

table, i. 377-378 
Khuen, Don Rodolph, Master of 

Horse to Maximilian, Busbecq 

asks his salary to be paid to him, 

ii. 58, and note 



LAV 

Kinsky, John, his business with 
Schomoerg, ii. 112, 125 

Kites, the scavengers of Constanti- 
nople, L 212 ; Busbecq shoots, 
ib, 

Kizilbash, name given by Turks to 
the Shah, L 219 

Koniaky the ancient Iconium, Selim 
ordered to, L 267 ; its strat^c 
imponance, 273 ; Selim posts 
himself there, 274 ; battle of, 278- 
279 

Koran, any Christian sitting on a, 
punished with death, i iii ; 
copy of the, presented to the 
Sultan by the Persian Ambassa- 
dor, 157, 375 

Kurds, their origin, 1. 275^ and note; 
body of, hired by Bajazet, 274; 
their sham fight, 275 



T ANGRES, Guise raises troops 

J-^ near, i. 98 ; bishopric of, re- 
moved 10 Dijon, 257 

Languedoc and Guienne, the chief 
Huguenot region, ii. 41 ; the crops 
in, ordered to be burnt, 88 

Lansac, de, seizes Blaye, ii. 245, and 
note 

La Noue, Huguenot leader, account 
of him, ii. 21, note ; at Rochelle, 
21 ; a prisoner, 155, and note \ 
attempts to surprise Paris, 252, 
note ; with Navarre before Paris, 
262 

Loon, Alengon goes there, ii. 202 

Lasso de Castilla, Don Pedro, Am- 
bassador of Ferdinand at th^ 
marriage of Philip and Mary, 
urges Busbecq to hasten to 
Vienna, i. 77, and note 

Laval^ the Comte de, son of d*An- 
delot, and nephew of Coligny, 
goes to the Netherlands, ii. 147, 
and note ; Orange intends giving 
him his daughter, 179 ; to be go- 
vernor of Antwerp, ib, 

Lavigne, the French Ambassador, 
procures the release of the Vene- 
tian prisoners, i. 353 ; had for- 
merly calumniated Busbecq, ib, ; 
dreaded by Roostem on account 
of Lis bluntness, 354 ; story of an 



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INDEX 20 THE LETTERS, 



329 



LAZ 

interview between them, ib, ; 
hates Ibrahim the interpreter, and 
procures his disgrace, 370 ; his 
quarrel with de Codignac, ib, 

Lazarus^ an Albanian chief, recap- 
tured alter escaping, and impaled, 
i. 1 31-132 

Legate^ from the Pope (Cardinal 
Caietano), summons people of 
Langres to Dijon, ii. 257 ; lays 
them under an Interdict for re- 
fusing to acknowledge the Cardi- 
nal de Bourbon, ib, ; encourages 
the Parisians to hold out, 260 

Le Mans, town of, taken by Na- 
varre, ii. 254, 255 

Lemnian Earth, a, medicine used 
by Quacquelben, i. 164 ; how 
procured, 256, and noU ; Busbecq 
sends a physician to Lemnos to 
make inquiries about it, 416 

Lenoncourt, Cardinal de, said to 
have crowned Navarre at Tours, 
ii. 254, and note 

Leonora, sister of Charles V., 
widow of Francis I., difficulties 
about arranging the settlement 
of her dower, ii. 53, 83 

Leyden, reports about the siege of, 
ii. 4 

Leyva, Don Sancho de, Spanish 
Admiral, commander of the Nea- 
politan galleys, brought prisoner 
to Constantinople, i. 321 ; impri- 
soned in the tower of Pera, 326 ; 
how Busbecq procured his re- 
lease, 369-373 ; hates de Sand^, 
373 ; asks permission to return 
by Ragusa and Venice, 390 

Lier, its garrison erect an outpost 
at the monastery of St. Bernard, 
ii. 148 

Lilloy fort near Antwerp, besieged, 
ii. 224 

Limoges, de I'Aubespine, Bishop of, 
ii. 37 

Listhtus, John, Hungarian noble. 
Bishop of Wessprim, ii. 73, and 
note 

Livron, siege of, ii. 44 \ turned into 
a blockade, 46 

Livy, thought Alexander would 
have been defeated if he had at- 
tacked Rome, i. 408 



Lorraine, Charles, Cardinal de, his 
illness, death, and character, iu 
45, and note\ his funeral, 46; 
blamed as the cause of the war, 
50 ; formerly absolute master of 
France, 53 

Lorraine, Cardinal de, brother of 
the Duke of Guise, one of the 
phiefs of the League, ii. 241 

Lorraine, Christina, Duchess Dowa- 
ger of, her portrait taken for 
Henry VIII., ii. 63, note ; sends 
a message to Maximilian, 132 

Lorraine, Duke of, expected in 
Paris, ii. d'^, 70 ; at the Marquis 
de Nomeny's marriage, 80; asked 
to allow the passage of Spanish 
troops through Lorraine, 91 ; ac- 
companies Elizabeth to Bourg-la- 
Reine, 96 ; his conversation with 
Busbecq at dinner, ib, ; notice of 
the Queen's departure sent to 
him, 124 ; jewels sent by Henry 
III. to induce him to be secu- 
rity to Casimir, 127 ; comes to 
meet Ehzabeth, 129 ; expected 
in PariSj 158; arrives, * 163 ; de- 
mands Navarre's sister for his 
son, ib, ; his horror at the notion 
of giving his daughter to Eper- 
non, 176 ; his subterfuges, ib, 

Lorraine, House of. King devoted 
to, ii. 32 ; its connection with 
Maximilian, 59, and note 

Luc, St,, his outrageous behaviour 
in Alengon's chamber, ii. 1 59, and 
note ; his repartee to Orange, 
160 

Lusignan, castle of, account of the, 
ii. 12, note; its siege expected, 
ib, ; commenced, 21 ; continues, 
28 ; raised, 32 ; surrenders, 46 

Luxembourg, yi, de, mentioned as 
likely to escort Elizabeth, ii. 126 

Lynx, story of an Assyrian, i. 206 

Lyons, inhabitants of, demolish 
their citadel, ii. 249 

Lyons, Pierre d'Espinac, Archbishop 
of, ii. 260, note ; sent as ambassa- 
dor to the Guises, 246; sent by the 
Parisians to treat with Navarre, 
260 



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330 



INDEX TO THE LETTERS. 



MAH 

Ji/fAHOMET, story of and his 

-^'^ cat, i. 225 ; why he forbade 
the use of wine, 292-294 

Mahomet ILy Sultan, buUder of the 
castle of Europe on the Bospho- 
rus, i. 131 

Mahomet, son of Solyman, who 
died young, i. 178 

Malvezziy John Maria, former am- 
bassador to the Porte, Busbecq 
visits him^ L 78 ; his embassy 
and impnsonment, 79-80; his 
death, 81 

MamelukeSy their ancient dominion 
in Egypt, i. 273, and note 

Mancupy town of Goths in the 
Crimea, i. 356 

AlSS.y Greek, collected by Busbecq 
at Constantinople, L 416-417 

Maraschy the Pasha of, sent as am- 
bassador to Persia, i. 380 

Marche, JLa, the Queen's Dower 
partly charged upon, ii. 109 

Marguerite de Valois, wife of 
Henry of Navarre, catches cold 
when walking in procession of 
Flagellants, ii. 45 ; Alen9on*s 
confidante and on bad terms with 
Henry III. and her husband, 96 ; 
as yet childless, 176 ; assailed by 
the King, 192 ; leaves Paris for 
Vend6me, ib. ; King said to in- 
tend to imprison her, 193 ; de- 
clares she and the Queen of 
Scots are the most unhappy 
beings in the world, 194 ; joins 
her husband, 203 ; to live apart 
from him till her case has been 
investigated, ib, ; expected to re- 
venge the insult, 204 ; said to be 
reconciled to her husband, 212 ; 
refuses to see Epernon, 223 

Marseilles, attempt to seize, ii. 245 

Martigues, the Vicomte de, his 
daughter about to marry the 
Marquis de Nomeny, ii. 64 

Mary, sister of Henry VIII. and 
widow of Louis XII., her mar- 
riage with the Duke of Suffolk, ii. 
76 

Mary, Queen of Enigland, her mar- 
riage,!. 77 

Mary, Queen of Scots, her pension 



MEH 

SO settled as to be worthless, ii. 
34 ; expenses of her return home 
defrayed by Charles IX., 48 ; her 
whole dower not secured on 
crown lands, 53 ; remark of 
Marguerite de Vsdois about her, 
194 ; in danger for conspiring 
s^inst Queen Elizabeth, 212 

Matariehy gardens of, near Cairo, 
the true balsam grown there, i. 
416 

Mattioliy Italian physician and 
botanist, specimens sent him by 
Busbecq, i. 41 5, and note 

Maximiliany King of Bohemia, 
afterwards King of Hungary and 
Emperor, receives Busbecq gra- 
ciously on his return to Vienna, 
i. 171 ; his election as King of 
the Romans, 397 ; his coronation, 
399 ; his advice to Henry 1 1 1., ii. 
50 ; asked to intercede for Mont- 
morency, 75 ; his views as to the 
settlement of the Dower, 85 ; 
wishes Busbecq to remain in 
Paris, 93 

Mayenney the Duke of, accom- 
panies Elizabeth to Bourg-la- 
Reine, il 96; likely to escort 
Elizabeth, 126 ; a Leaguer, 241 ; 
hurries to relieve Angers, 248 ; 
his troops in contact with the 
enemy, 250 ; enters Paris, 252 ; 
has large forces embodied but 
no means to pay them, ib, ; at- 
tacks the fort of Meulan, 258 ; 
arrives at Meaux, 259 ; his letters 
intercepted, 261 ; an unlucky 
general, 262 

Medina Cell, Duke of, commander 
of the expedition to Djerbd, re- 
tires to citadel and escapes by 
night, i. 319 ; his son Don Gas- 
ton a prisoner, 323 ; his agents 
search for Don Gaston unsuc- 
cessfully, 324 ; Don Gaston pro- 
bably murdered by Pial^ Pasha, 
ib, 

Medina de Rio Sicco, Duke of, com- 
ing from King of Spain to con- 
gratulate Henry III. on hismar- 
riagCj ii. 74 

Mehemet Sokolli Pasha, third of 



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INDEX TO THE LETTERS. 



331 



MEL 

the Vizierial Pashas, afterwards 
Grand Vizier, despatched by 
Solyman to Selim, i. 270 ; returns 
and is sent to Asia, 27 1 ; sent in 
pursuit of Bajazet, 305 ; in com- 
mand of the troops on the Persian 
frontier, 378 

Melurty town of, said to have sur- 
rendered to Navarre, ii. 255 

Menagerie^ Busbecqs, stories of 
animals in, i. 204-208 

Mendozay Don Bernardino de, im- 
plicated in conspiracy against 
Queen Elizabeth, ii. 212 ; ordered 
to leave England, 213 ; arrives in 
Paris, 216 ; appointed Spanish 
ambassador to France, 230 ; in- 
duces the Parisians to hold out, 
260. 

Menin, evacuated, and then plun- 
dered and sacked, ii. 194 

Mentnx, islsLTid of. SeeJJjerd/ 

Mercceur^ Due de and Marquis de 
Nomeny, the king's brother-in- 
law, ii. 244, note ; his approach- 
ing marriage, 64 ; his marriage, 
80 ; accompanies Elizabeth to 
Bourg-la-Keine, 96; governor of 
Brittany, 172 ; report of his death, 
ib, ; untrue, 173 ; his quarrel 
with the Duke of Joyeuse, 219 ; 
its cause, 220 ; a Leaguer, 241 ; 
his ingratitude, 244 

A/e'rUy M. de, younger son of the 
Constable Montmorency, ii. 16, 
fiote 

Metiophanes, the Metropolitan, a 
friend of Busbecq's, anxious for a 
union between the Greek and 
Latin churches, i. 341-342 

Metz, great Protestant disturbances 
at, ii. 251 

Meularty tort on the Seine, attacked 
by Mayenne, ii. 258, 259 

Mdzilresy appointed as Conde's 
residence, ii. 127 

Michely Giovanni, Venetian ambas- 
sador, visits Busbecq,ii. 121, and 
note 

Middelburgy Congress of Nether- 
land States at, ii. 202 

Milan^ useful as a training school 
for French soldiers, ji. 72, and 
note 



MON 

MinaretSy serve the purpo e of our 
belfries, i. 291 

Mingreliansy account of the, i. 
245-252 ; their monarch, 245 ; 
their feuds with the Imeritians, 
246 

MirambeaUy brother of Lausac, 
sent to Alen9on, ii. 171 ; thinks 
there is little hope of an arrange- 
ment, 17 s 

Mohaczy battle of, i. 167, 407, and 
note 

Mohair go^t. See Angora goat 

Mola, of Augsburg, a courier, ii. 

Mondragony Spanish officer, his 
projects, ii. 90, and note 

Montaly notorious bravo, his end, ii. 
190, and note 

Montbdliardy Pibrac waylaid near, 
ii. 62, and note 

Montbruny Vicomte de. Huguenot 
chieftain, said to be with Dam- 
ville, ii. 23 ; seizes towns in Dau- 
phiny, 41 ; throws reinforcements 
into Livron, 44 ; defeats Swiss in 
Dauphiny, 78, 2sAnote ; wounded 
and taken prisoner, 79-80; his 
character, 80, and note ; beheaded 
at Grenoble, 99 

MontluCy Jean de. Bishop of Va- 
lence, i. 389, note\ ii. 35, and 
note 

Montmorency y Due de, Marshal of 
France, his imprisonment in the 
Bastille, ii. 8 ; account of him, ib, 
note ; his execution threatened, 
16; guarded more strictly, 67, 
68, and note ; better treated, 77 ; 
offers to stand his trial, 86 ; con- 
sidered innocent by Vaudemont, 
91 ; his release decided on, 103 ; 
sets out to Alengon, 1 14 ; a nota- 
ble instance of the fickleness of 
fortune, 115 

Monimorencyy Madame de, asks 
Elizabeth to request Maximilian 
to intercede for her son, ii. 75 ; 
contributes to the forced loan, 98 

Montpelliery said to have revolted 
at Damville's instigation, ii. 22 

Montpensiery Louis de Bourbon, 
Due de, account of, ii. 9, note ; 
besieges Fontenay, 10 ; and 



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332 



INDEX 70 THE LETTERS. 



MON 

Lusignan, 21, 32 ; his son the 
Prince Dauphin, 147 ; his death, 
152 

Montpensier^ Due de, son of the 
preceding, intends going to the 
Netherlands, ii. 147 ; in spite of 
his father's death, 152; joins 
Alen^on, 156 

Morvilliers^ Jean de, Bishop of Or- 
leans, ii. 37, note ; his interview 
with Busbecq, 87 ; arrangement 
by which Busbecq receives his 
salary through him, 93, 112, 122; 
contributes to the forced loan, 98 

Muftiy Turkish chief priest, con- 
sulted by Solyman, L 116, 272, 

374 

Mustaphoy Solyman's eldest son, 
his high character and popu- 
larity, i. 113; summoned to ap- 
pear before his father, 115 ; his 
execution, 11 7-1 18 ; his only son 
shares his fate, 1 19-122; many 
of his retainers join Bajazet, 275 

Mustapha, the Pretender, his first 
appearance, i. 179 ; his story, 
1 81-182 ; threatenmg aspect of 
his rising, 183; deserted by his 
followers, 184; taken prisoner 
and executed, 185 



T\TANTEUTL^ fortress of, ap- 

^^ pointed for the meeting of 
the Peace Commissioners, iL 260 

Napellus, See Aconite 

Napoli di Romaniay its surrender 
by the Venetians, i. 261-263 

Navarre, See Henry IV, 

Netherland Ambassadors with 
Alengon, ii. 212 ; try to gain the 
King's support, 225 ; their offers, 
ib. ; come with fresh proposals to 
the King, 231 ; granted a private 
audience, 234 ; attend the investi- 
ture of the King with the Garter, 
235 ; return home, 237 ; the 
King's reply to them, ib, 

Netherlands^ news from the, ii. 4, 
90, 195 ; dykes opened in the, 205 

Nevers, Louis Gonzaga, Due de, ii. 
82, note ; suggestion of placing 
Elizabeth's affairs under his pro- 
tection, 82 ent in pursuit of 



ORA 

Alengon, 102 ; asks for governor- 
ship of Brittany, 172 ; indignant 
at being refused, 173 ; brings re- 
inforcements to Navarre, 261 
Nicaa (Isnik), description of, i. 136 
Nicomedia (Ismid), ruins of, i. 134 
Nicopolis, battle of, i. 407, and note 
Niorty town o^ given to Alen^on, iL 

126 
Nissa or Nischy town of, i. 96 
NocUy Beauvois de la, deputy firom 

Condd, ii. 89, and note 
Nogarolky Count, Commander of 
German horse, ii. 44 ; returns to 
Vienna, 58 
Nomeny, Marquis de. See Mer- 

coeury Due de 
Northumberlandy Earl of, arrested 
for conspiracy against Queen 
Elizabeth, ii. 212, note 



O Monsieur d', holds the citadel of 
Caen for the League, ii. 245 
OlympuSy Mount, in Asia, view of, 
from Constantinople, i. 123, 202 ; 
Busbecq travels along its slopes, 
136; furnishes Constantinople 
with snow, 291 
Orangey William, Prince of, peace 
negotiations opened with him, ii. 
4; his plan of misleading the 
Spanish fleet by false beacons, 
ib, ; his marriage to Mademoiselle 
de Bourbon, 66 ; suggestion that 
Cond^ should lead troops to his 
assistance, 72 ; if beaten, will 
hand over the Netherlands to a 
foreign power, 90 ; recovers from 
his wound, 142 ; I'kely to secure 
Holland and Zealand for him- 
self, 145 ; rebukes St. Luc, 159; 
E rayed for during his illness 
y *the reformed churches in 
France, 162 ; excused himself 
fi*om going with Alenjon to the 
camp, 169; to be appointed Alen- 
9on's Lieutenant, 1 75 ; mobbed in 
Antwerp, 176 ; intends to marry 
Teligny's widow, and to give his 
own daughter to Laval, 179; 
buys Flushing, 183; his influence 
declining, 185, 196; tries to 
arouse the men of Antwerp, 186 % 



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INDEX TO THE LETTERS. 



333 



ORG 
crosses to Zealand, ib, ; reinforces 
Ostend, 194 ; in retirement at 
Flushing, 196 ; likely to be soon 
made Count of Holland and Zea- 
land, 205 ; schemes to recover 
Zutphen, 208 ; Hollanders said to 
have sworn allegiance to him, 
210 ; assassinated, 224 

Orchafij son of Bajazet, a marriage 
suggested between him and the 
Shah's daughter, i. 308 

Orleans^ declares for the Guises, ii. 

245 

Ostend^ resists Parma, ii. 194 ; said 
to have come to terms with him,2 1 9 

Othmatiy founder of the Turkish 
royal family, i. 137 

Oudenarde^ besieged, ii. 143 ; sur- 
renders, 144 

Ouloufedgi, name of a regiment of 
the Imperial guard, i. 154, and 
note ; mentioned, 283 



pALYNAy Paul, fails to keep his 

•^ appointment with Busbecq, i. 
82 ; overtakes him at Buda, 86 

Paper, Turkish reverence for, and 
the reason of it, i. 1 10 

Paris^ proposal in the municipality 
of Paris to defray Elizabeth's ex- 
penses, ii. 91 ; regret of the in- 
habitants at her departure, 128, 
and fiote\ itneute there in con- 
sequence of the King's enforcing 
his sumptuary law, 207 ; the fau- 
bourgs taken by Navarre, 251- 
252 ; besieged, 259-261 ; dread- 
ful famine in, 259 

Paris, Pierre de Gondi, Bishop of, 
and Chancellor to Elizabeth, ii. 
33 ; his views about the dower, 
85 ; likely to escort the Queen, 
126 ; starts home from Nancy 
with an escort, 130; wounded in 
the council-chamber, 216 ; sent as 
ambassador to Rome, 249 ; sent 
by the Parisians to treat with 
Navarre, 260 

Parma, Alexander Famese, Prince 
of, besieges Oudenarde, ii. 143 ; 
takes it, 144 ; encamps at Arras, 
14.9 ; threatens to attack St. 
Quentin in case of a French in- 



PER 

vasion, 1 50 ; sickness of his 
troops, 157; retakes Cateau 
Cambr^sis, and blockades Diest, 
ib, ; takes Diest, 162 ; prepares 
to besiege Alost and threatens 
Brussels, 182 ; besieges Cambrai, 
183 ; sends the governor of 
Namur to the King, 184 ; takes 
Dunkirk, 186 ; checked at Ostend, 
194 ; relieves Cateau Cambr^sis, 
202 ; master of nearly all the 
country but Ghent and Antwerp, 
205 ; receives overtures from 
Flanders, 217 ; removes to Den- 
dermonde, 226 ; said to be dan- 
gerously ill, 256 ; in retirement, 
258 ; comes to the relief of Paris, 
260 ; he and his army contrasted 
with Navarre and his army, 262- 
264 ; his devices for encountering 
the French cavalry, 263 

Partridges, from Chios, i. 212 ; 
how reared, 213 

Pashas, keep open house before 
Ramazan, i. 376 

Patriarch of Constantinople, con- 
sulted in vain by the Pashas, i. 234 

Pax, John, commander at Komorn, 
i.83 

Pemantius, of Lorraine, said to 
have reconciled the Queen of 
Navarre to her husband, ii. 212 

Persia, its barrenness, i. 219 ; 
creates a diversion in favour of 
Christendom, 221-222 ; account 
of the country and its monarchs, 
298-301, and note 

Persians, their religious differences 
with the Turks, i. 161-162, and 
236, note ; complain of the viola- 
tion of their territory, 307 

Persian Ambassador, his arrival at 
Amasia, i. 156 ; peace concluded 
with, 157 ; and honours paid to 
him, ib, ; his departure from 
Amasia, 160 

Persian Ambassadors bring pre- 
sents to Solyman, i. 156-157, 375 

Pertau Pasha, fourth Vizierial 
Pasha, and married to the widow 
of Mahomet, the Sultan's son, i. 
183; despatched by Solyman 
against Mustapha the Pretender, 
183-184; despatched by Solyman 



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334 



INDEX TO THE LETTERS, 



PES 

to Bajazet, 270 ; sent back by him, 
271 

Pescaroy Marquis of, report of his 
brother's capture by the Hugue- 
nots, ii. 155 

PeUTy the courier, mentioned, ii. 
58,65.67, 112, 119 

Philip /A, King of Spain, his mar- 
ringe, i. 77 ; Turkish reports of 
his power, 318 ; said to have pro- 
mised his daughter to the King 
of Scotland, ii. 148 ; supports the 
League, 239 ; sends money to 
Paris, 254 

PhilippopoliSy town of, i. 106 

PiaU Pasha, the admiral, sent in 
command of the Turkish fleet to 
Djerb^, i. 318 ; sends a galley to 
Constantinople to announce his 
victory, 319 ; conceals Don Gas- 
ton in hopes of a large ransom, 
324 ; his consequent peril, ib, ; is 
forgiven by Solyman, ib, 

Pibracy Guy du Faur, Seigneur de, 
account of him, ii. 10, note ; 
offends the Queen-Mother by ad- 
vising the King to dismiss his 
Italian troops, 10 ; reported to be 
coming from Lyons, 23 ; arrives 
in Paris, 28 ; his conversation 
with Busbecq, 29 ; the advocate 
of peace, 50 ; starts for Poland 
as ambassador, 61 ; waylaid near 
Montbfliard, 62, and note ; is to 
visit the Polish Palatines, 79 ; his 
opinion of Polish affairs, 81 ; his 
return expected, 122 ; his unplea- 
sant position in Poland, ib, ; re- 
turns, 126 ; what he thinks the 
Poles have gained from France, 
132 ; will probably be sent to the 
Netherlands as Alengon's chan- 
cellor, 169 ; sent to Antwerp by 
Alengon, 181 

PignerolOy town and fortress in 
Piedmont, ceded by Henry II L 
to the Duke of Savoy, ii. 13 

PigSy Turkish prejudice against 
them turned to account by Bus- 
becq*s friend, i. 205 

Pilgrimages^ fashion of making, in 
France, ii. 199 

Pilgrims to Jerusalem, seized by 
the Syrians and imprisoned at 



PUV 

Constantinople, i. 352 ; their re- 
lease procured by the French 
ambassador, 353 ; sent home by 
Busbecq, ib, 

PinnaSy a kind of mollusc, caught 
by Busbecq, i. 339 ; account of 
them and their guards, 330-340 

Plasty the, Pusbecq's suite at- 
tacked by, i. 163 ; outbreak ofi in 
Busbecq's house, 330-335; death- 
rate from, at Constantinople, 341 ; 
appears in France, ii. 18); spread- 
ing, 188 ; raging in Paris, 199 ; 
prevents the King entering Paris, 
201 ; carries off one of the ladies 
of the Queen*s bed-chamber, 230 

Plam-lreeygrezt, opposite Busberq*s 
house, i. 227 ; the cavasse when 
shut out ties his horse to it, 260 

Plinyy his statements as to the 
Ptnna and pinna-guard referred 
to, i. 339 

Poitiersy attempt to surprise, ii. 88 

Poland, account of affairs in, ii. 29 ; 
French hope to keep, y^, 92 ; 
affairs there, 81 

Pont-h'Mussony Marquis of, eldest 
son of the Duke of Lorraine, goes 
to Flanders on his way home, ii. 
255-256 

Popey the, offers the King 3,000 
Swiss, ii. 122 ; urges him to ac- 
cept the Tridentine Decrees, 184; 
visited by Joyeux, 185 

Portugaly Sebastian, King of, ac- 
count of him, ii. 30, note ; mar- 
riage between him and Elizabeth 
spoken of, ii. 30, 76-78 

Portugese AnAassador arrives in 
Pans, ii. 70 ; expected, 74 ; Bus- 
becq's interview with him, 76-77; 
suggests a marriage between Eli- 
zabeth and the King of Portugal, 
ib, ; takes a house in Paris, 82 

Poussiny Huguenot fortress, be- 
sieged, ii. 21 ; taken, 23 

Predestinationy Turkish notions 
about, i. 341, 382-383 

PrinkipOyth^ largest of the Princes' 
Islands in the sea of Marmora, 
Busbecq allowed to retire thither, 
i. 334 ; account of it, 337-340 

Puygalliardy M. de, acting governor 
at Cambrai for the King of 



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INDEX TO THE LETTERS. 



335 



QUA 

France, ii. 195 ; leaves the town, 
205 



GUACQUELBEN, native of 
Courtrai, Busbecq's physician, 
attends the Pasha of Buda, i. 86 ; 
shares Busbecq's taste for ancient 
coins, 94 ; his treatment of inter- 
mittent fever, 161 ; of the plague, 
164 ; is attacked by the plague, 
335 ; his opinion of the plague, ib, ; 
Busbecq*s last visit to him, 335- 
336 ; his death, 336 ; his high cha- 
racter and abilities, ib, ; examines 
aconite brought by Turkish pil- 
grim, 362 

Quesfwy, Le, town in Hainault, 
failure of Alengon's attempt on, 
ii. 198 

Quentin, SL, town in Picardy, gar- 
risoned against any attack by 
Parma, ii. 1 50 ; Marshal de Retz 
there, 227 



DA AByBu sbecq's escort attacked 

-**• by soldiers from its garrison, i. 
170 

Rakos^ plain near Pesth, the former 
meeting-place of the Hungarian 
Diet, i. 168 

Ramboiiiliet, family of, ordered 
to leave the Court, ii. 13, and 
note 

Ram^e, Pierre de la, his method, i. 
99, note 

Rascians^ their language, i. 105 ; 
extent of their country, 166 ; 
their character, ib, 

Remorantin^ a chateau, suggested 
by Busbecq as a residence for 
Elizabeth, ii. 25 ; assigned as 
part of her dower, 109 

Requesens, Don Berenguer de, 
Spanish Admiral, commander of 
the Sicilian galleys, brought a pri- 
soner to Constantinople, i. 321 ; 
imprisoned in the tower of Pera, 
326 ; how Busbecq procured his 
release, 369 373 ; asks leave to 
return by Ragusa, 390 ; his death, 
ib. 

Retz, Comte de, Marshal of France, 



ROO 
ii. 39, note ; some of his troops 
cut to pieces by Damville, 32 ; 
supports Elizabeth's interests, 82; 
attends the Queen-Mother to 
Boulogne, 184 ; commands in 
Picardy, 223 ; makes the people 
of Cambrai swear allegiance to 
the Queen-Mother, 225 ; at St. 
Quentin negotiating with Balagny, 
227 ; still in Picardy, 228 

Retz^ Comtesse de, likely to be one 
of Elizabeth's escort, ii. 126 

Rhodope, Mount, i. 106 

Richardoty Councillor, sent to King 
of Spain, on account of Parma's 
conduct, ii. 258 

Richebourg, Marquis of, formerly 
resident at the Court of Maximi- 
lian, ii. 234 ; killed at the Antwerp 
bridge, 247 

Rimini, the Bishop of, the Apos- 
tolic Nuncio, his death, ii. 198 

Rochefoucauld, goes to the Nether- 
lands, ii. 147 

Rodolph IL, Emperor, suspected o\ 
being concerned in the affair of 
Antwerp, ii. 168 ; said to be be- 
trothed to Philip II.*s daughter, 
ib. 

Roland, mythic Carlovingian hero, 
the legend said to be known to 
the Mingrelians, i. 250, and note 

Roostem, Grand Vizier, Busbecq 
and his colleagues visit him, i. 
Ill ; his origin, character, and 
abilities, 11 3-1 14, 343; sent in 
command against the Shah, 1 1 5 ; 
his dismissal from office, 118; 
restored to office, 176, 190 ; urges 
Busbecq to remain, 196 ; com- 
plains of Hungarian raids, 199; 
his opinion of Busbecq, 234; tries 
to convert him, 235 ; his ortho- 
doxy suspected, ib. ; his conver- 
sation with Busbecq, 235-236 ; 
his exultation at his kinsman's 
raid, and sorrow at his death, 
240-241 ; raises a troop of dra- 
goons from his household ser- 
vants, 242 ; failure of the experi- 
ment, 243 ; his remarks on Bus- 
becq's obstinacy, 261 ; his emble- 
matic present, 263-264 ; warns 
Busbecq not to quarrel with the 



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33^ 



INDEX TO THE LETTERS, 



ROU 

Janissaries, 296 ; excites Soly- 
man's wrath against Pial^, 32^^ ; 
his conversation with de Sand^ 
in the Divan, 325 ; refuses to let 
Busbecq leave his house on ac- 
count of the plague, 333 ; his 
death, 334 ; contrasted with AH, 
343, 345 ; story of him and Bus- 
btcq, 344; dreaded interviews 
with Lavigne, 354 ; scene at one, 
355 ; his conduct towards Bus- 
becq's servants when falsely ac- 
cused, 367-368 
Rouen, threatened by Navarre, ii. 

257, 259 

Roxolana, Solyman's wife, her real 
name Khourrem, account of her, 
L 111-112, and note \ her in- 
trigues against Mustapha, 113; 
and his only son, 119 ; her affec- 
tion for Bajazet, 179 ; appeases 
his angry father, 185; encourages 
him, 187 ; how she induced Soly- 
man to marry her, 229, and 1x2, 
note ; her death, 265 

Ryhove, Flemish noble, accused by 
Imbize of conspiracy, ii. 209 



5ALCEDA, implicated in a plot, 
il 148; a prisoner, 149; his 
terrible execution, 152-153, and 
notes ; his wickedness and auda- 
city, 154 ; his head sent to Ant- 
werp and stuck on the highest 
pinnacle,* 1 54, 155 
Saluzzo, the marquisate of, propo- 
sal to sell or pawn, ii. 61 ; 200,000 
crowns borrowed on security of 

it, 79 

Salviati, his mission to procure de 
Sandy's release, and its failure, i. 
371, 374, note 

Samarcand, city of, visited by a 
Turkish pilgrim, i. 360 

Sanddy Don Alvaro de, commander 
of the citadel at Djerbe, attempts 
to escape and is captured, i. 320; 
exhibited on Pial^'s galley, 321 ; 
before the Divan, 325 ; impri- 
soned in the fortress of Carade- 
nis, 326 ; how Busbecq procured 
bis release, 369-373 ; his hatred 
of Leyva, 373 ; his speech to the 



SCH 

steward of the French represen- 
tative, ib, ; his journey home 
with Busbecq, 390-397 ; his jokes, 
391 ; fears he will be sent back 
to Constantinople, 393 ; chides 
Busbec(j's servant for his temper, 
394 ; his gratitude to Busbecq, 
397 

Sanjak'beyy derivation of the word, 
i. 84, and note ; Turkish army 
preserved by the advice of a 
Sanjak-bey, and his subsequent 
treatment, 238-239; story of a 
Sanjak-bey and a Khodja, 377- 
378 

Sanjak-bey of Gran, Busbecq's in- 
terviews with the, i. 84, 170 

Saumur, town of, given to Alengon, 
ii. 126 

SaviglianOy town and fortress in 
Piedmont, ceded by Henry III. 
to the Duke of Savoy, ii. 13 

Savonaj reported capture of, by the 
Duke of Savoy, ii. 74 

Savoy, Emanuel Philibert, Duke 
of, receives Savigliano, and Pig- 
nerolo from Henry III., ii. 13 
and 14, note ; death of his wife, 
14 ; said to have taken Savona, 
74 ; lends 200,000 crowns on se- 
curity of Saluzzo, 79 

Savoy^ Charles Emmanuel, Duke 
of, son of the preceding, said to 
be estranged from Spain, and 
likely to marry Navarre's sister, 
ii. 148 ; about to be betrothed to 
the Duke of Lorraine's daughter, 
163 

Saxon colonists in Transylvania, i. 

359 

Saxony, the Elector of, attends the 
coronation at Frankfort, i 399, 
and note 

Schomberg, Gaspard de, Comte de 
Nanteuil, ii. 124, note ; his deal- 
ings with Kinsky, 112, 125 ; 
going to Germany, 155; his 
chateau of Nanteuil mentioned, 
260, and note 

Schwartzenberg, Count von, meets 
Elizabeth at Nancy, ii. 129 ; con- 
sulted by Busbecq about her 
route, 133, 137 

Schwendt, Lazarus von, an Alsatian 



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INDEX TO THE LETTERS. 



337 



SCI 

seigneur, a scholar and a soldier, 

ii. 73, and 'note ; prevented by 

illness from coming to Nancy, 129 

Scivarin, Gothic town in the 

Crimea, i. 356 
Scordium^ or water germander, a 
remedy for the plague, L 164, and 
note 
Scotlandy news of disturbances in, 
ii. 148 ; King of Scotland See 
James, King of Scotland 
Scutari, town of, i. 133 
S cuter, Lawrence, a courier, ii. 119 
Sebastian, King of Portugal See 

Portugal, Sebastian, King of 
Selim /., the father of Solyman, his 
defeat by his father at Tchourlou, 
i. 108, and note ; picture of his 
defeat of the Persians at Tschal- 
diran, 129 ; referred to, 299 ; his 
conduct alluded to, 276-277, 279, 

383 
Selim, Solyman's son, afterwards 
Sultan Selim II., destined by his 
father as his successor, i. 179; 
warns his father against Bajazet, 
265 ; removed to Koniah from 
Magnesia, 267 ; marches on 
Ghemlik, 268 ; occupies Koniah, 
273 ; his appearance and charac- 
ter, 275-276 ; awaits his brother's 
attack, 277 ; puts the Pasha of 
Erzeroum to death, 305 ; his suc- 
cession advantageous to the 
Shah, 312 ; procures Piald 
Pasha's pardon, 324 

Selimbria, town of, i. 109 

Selles, M. de, a prisoner in 2^aland, 
ii. 233, and note 

Semendria, formerly a fortress of 
the despots of Servia, i. 95 

Servians^ the, their funeral customs, 
i. 95 ; their marriage customs, 
96 ; their language, 105 ; extent 
of their country, 165 

Seure, Michel de, Prior of Cham- 
pagne, his quarrel with the King, 
ii. 215-216, and note 

Sforzia Palavicini, defeated by 
Ali Pasha at Fiilek, i. 236 

Shcui, the common Danube, found 
also in the Halys, i. 145 

Sherbet, mode of making, i. 147 

Silihdars, mmt of a regiment of | 

VOL. II. 



SOL 
the Imperial guard, L 153, note ; 
mentioned, 283 
SiwaSyXht Pasha of, deceived by 

Bajazet, i. 304 
Slavery, its advantages discussed, 

i. 210-211, and note 
Slaves, Christian, met by Busbecq, 

i. 162 
Slaves, use made by the Turks of 
the numerous slaves captured by 
them, i. 209-211 
Sluys, town cf, holds out against 

Parma, ii. 219 
Snakes, in Busbecq's house, i. 203- 

204 
Solyman, Sultan, takes Belgrade, i. 
94 ; induced by Roxolana to 
marry her, 112 ; goes to the 
army and summons Mustapha, 
115; consults the mufti, xi6; 
rebukes the mutes for their slack- 
ness, 117; mohair his usual 
dress, 144 ; Busbec(^'s first and 
second interviews with him, 152, 
158 ; his appearance and charac- 
ter, 159-163; avenges an insult, 
162 ; sends Pertau Pasha against 
the false Mustapha, 183 ; his 
anger against Bajazet appeased 
by Roxolana, 185-186 ; inter- 
view with Bajazet, 187-188 ; goes 
to Adrianople, 198 ; remonstrates 
with Bajazet, 266; changes his 
sons' governments, 267; refuses 
to Usten to Bajazet's complaints, 
270 ; consults the mufti about 
him, 272 ; his appearance, 285 ; 
his opinion of the Janissaries, 
296; is presented by Busbecq 
with Ferdinand's gifts, 297 ; 
pretends to be inclined to pardon 
Bajazet, 298 ; orders the execu- 
tion of one of his spies, 301 ; 
orders his army to return to Con- 
stantinople, 302 ; orders Baja- 
zet's chUd to be brought up at 
Broussa, ib, ; sends Pashas and 
Sanjak-beys in pursuit of Bajaztt 
305 ; removes Pasha of Erzeroum 
from office, ib, ; alarmed at Ba- 
jazet's flight to Persia, ib, ; wishes 
to pursue him, but is restrained 
by the Pashas, 306 ; deeply hurt 
at the loss of Djerbd, 318 ; sends 



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338 



INDEX TO THE LETTERS, 



SOP 

an armament thither, ib, ; sees 
the triumphal entry of his fleet, 
321 ; his demeanour, 322 ; his 
increasing superstition, 331 ; his 
prohibition of wine tested by 
some Greeks, 33^-333 ; l^is reply 
to Busbecq's request to leave nis 
house, 333 ; releases pilgrims at 
Lavignc*s request, 353 ; his letter 
to the King of France, 369 ; tries 
to induce the Shah to surrender 
Bajazet, 378 ; sends messages to 
the Georgians and Turkomans, 
379 ; persuades the Shah to per- 
mit Bajazet to be executed, 380- 
381 ; orders Bajazet's child to be 
executed at Broussa, 382 ; his 
parting speech to Busbecq, 390 ; 
a terrible enemy, 405-407 ; his at- 
tacks on Hungary and Austria, 
409 ; his three wishes, 410 

Sophioy town of, i. 102 

Sorbonne^ decision of the^ about 
Henry VI XL's marriage, il 27, 
and note 

Spahis^ name of a regiment of the 
Imperial guard, i. 154, and note \ 
mentioned, 283 

Spainy the posts to, stopped, ii. 1 5 1 ; 
threatens the liberties of Europe, 
226 

Spaniards^ the, take Djerb^, i. 
317-318 ; their fleet defeated by 
the Turks, 318 ; their suffering 
during the siege, 320-321 ; their 
sufferings in prison alleviated by 
Busbecq, 326-328 

Spanish ambassador, his remon- 
strances about Salceda's head, ii. 

155 

Spanish officer employed as goose- 
herd, i. 209 

Stagy fierceness of a, i. 208 

Standing armieSy dangers of,i. 296- 
297 

States-General y their meeting de- 
manded, ii. 57 ; mock States-Ge- 
neral convened, Zj ; summoned, 
257 

Sterckenburgy officer sent by Casi- 
mir to Elizabeth, ii. 130 

Strasburg, the Bishop of, notice of 
Elizabeth's departure sent to him, 
ii; 124, and note \ prevented from 



TAX 

coming to Nancy by fear of the 
German reiters, 129 ; his return 
home, 133 ; remains at B^e, 135 

Strozziy Philippe, Marshal of 
France, il 39 ; killed at the 
Azores, 146 

Sunnites and Schiis, the two great 
sects of Mohammedans, L 161, 
note 

Sweden^ marriage between the 
daughter of the King of, and 
Henry III. spoken o^ iL 43 ; her 
portrait, 63 

Swiss AmbsLSsadors at Paris, ii. 63; 
entertainments and presents to 
them, 158, 160 

SwissXxoo^s defeated by Montbrun, 
ii. 78 

SympUgades or floating islands 
at the mouth of the Bosphorus, 
i. 132 

Szigethy fortress in Hungary, at- 
tacked by Ali Pasha, i. 236 ; re- 
lieved by the Archduke Ferdi- 
nand, 237-238 



'TAHMASPy Shah, at war with 

* Solyman, i. 1 1 5 ; his character 
and mode of life, 300 ; sends en- 
voys to Bajazet, 307 ; invites him 
to visit him, 308 ; his treachery 
towards him, ib, ; and his mo- 
tives, 309 ; causes him to be ar- 
rested at his table and his fol- 
lowers to be murdered, 311 ; 
prefers that Selim should succeed 
to the throne, 312 ; his treacher- 
ous conduct, 378 ; consents to 
Bajazet's execution, 381 

Tamerlane^ indignities inflicted by 
him on Bajazet and his wife, i. 
112 ; his descendants, 379 

Tartar, a, his hair his only head 
covering, i. 85 

Tartars in the Crimea, account of 
the, i. 356 

Tashkendy city of, visited by Tur- 
kish pilgrim, i. 360 

Tassis {or Taxis), y. B,y Spanish 
ambassador in Paris, superseded 
and sent to the Netherlands, ii. 
230, and note 

Taxisy Leonhard de, Postmaster- 



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INDEX TO THE LETTERS, 



339 



TCH 

General in the Netheriands, iL 
28, and note 

Tchekfnedjd^ Buynk and Kutchuk, 
bays near Constantinople, i. 109, 
note 

TchourloUy town of, famous for the 
defeat of Selim, i. 108 

Thoriy M. de, younger son of the 
Constable Montmorency, il 16, 
note ; escapes from the defeat of 
Germans and reaches the Loire, 
106; joins Alen9oij, 115; his 
quarrel with du Guast, 117 

Tolna^ a Hungarian town, its good 
wine and civil inhabitants, i. 93 ; 
quanel between the Janissary 
there and Busbecq's servant, 
392-396 

Tortoises y i. 134 

Touighoun^ Pasha of Buda, mean- 
ing of the name, L 85 ; his ill- 
ness and reputation, 85, 66; Bus- 
becq's interview with him, 91 

Toursy attempt on, il 98 ; reported 
coconation of Navarre there, 254; 
Parliament removed thither by 
Henry III., 256; the States- 
General convened there by Na- 
varre, 257 

Trajatis Bridge^ remains of, i. 95 

Trajat^s Gate, or pass of Ichtiman, 
i.*io6, and note 

Transylvania, recovered by Ferdi- 
nand, i. 79, 80 ; Hungarian nobles 
revolt from the Voivode of, 386 ; 
the Voivode's ambassadors try 
to hinder the conclusion of peace, 
387 

Transylvanian, the most popular 
candidate for the Polish crown^ 
ii. 43, and note 

Trautson, John von, Ferdinand's 
minister, i. 412 

Tschaldiran^ battle o^ alluded to, 
i. 299 

Tulips y L 107 

Turenne, the Vicomte de, brings re- 
inforcements to Navarre, il 261 

Turkish ambassador intervenes at 
the PoHsh Diet ii. 29 

— army at Amasia, described, i. 
155-156 j 

— beggars, i. 209 

— camp, described, i. 288, 289 

z 2 



TUR 
Turkish cavalry, Busbecq's first 
sight of, L 83 

— commissariat, L 219-221, 289 

— fanatics at Buda, i. 396 

— fleet, reported arrival of a, ii. 
257 

— horseman, a, described, i. 283- 
284 

— horses, their rearing, training; 
&c., i. 215-217 

— hostels, described, L 98 

— inns. See Caravanserai 

— military punishments, i. 293-294 

— officer induced by Busbecq to 
give up the royal standard of the 
NeapoUtan gaJleys, i. 322 

— old woman, her romantic story, 
231-232 

— pilgrim gives Busbecq an ac- 
count of his journey to Cathay 
and of that country, i. 359-362 ; 
feats performed by another, 
362-363 

— soldiers contrasted with Chris- 
tian, i. 221 ; their clothing and its 
distribution, 222 

— women, their treatment and 
mode of life, L 228-229 

Turkoman chiefs invited to attack 
the Shah, i. 379 

Turks, their notions about wine- 
drinking, L 88 ; about houses, 90; 
consider the left-hand the place 
of honour, 92 ; their methods of 
dividing time, loi; attach no dis- 
tinction to birth, i. 104, 154; 
their fondness for flowers, 108 ; 
and money, /^.; their reverence 
for paper and the reasons for it, 
1 10 ; their superstitions as to un- 
clean food, 124, 134; their favour- 
ite colours, 144; theu- notions 
about omens, ib., 269 ; surprised 
at the Germans' . fishing, 145 ; 
their frugal fare, 146 ; their no- 
tions of chronology, 149 ; how 
promotion is regulated among 
them, 155 ; their dress, ib, ; their 
horror of pigs, 205 ; slavery 
amoi^ them, 209-2 1 1 ; their kind- 
ness to animals, 224 ; prefer cats 
to dogs and why, 225 ; ransom 
birds from bird-catchers, 227; 
some think it wrong to keep 



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340 



INDEX TO THE LETTERS, 



UZE 

birds in cages, ^, ; their marriage 
laws, 229 ; do not inquire closely 
into crimes, but punish them 
severely if detected, 232 ; think 
it their duty to make one offer to 
a Christian of conversion to their 
religion, 235 ; their religious dif- 
ferences with the Persians, ib, ; 
their skill in archery and mode of 
shooting and practising, 253-255; 
their readiness to accept foreign 
inventions and to adopt various 
Christian customs, 255-256 ; 
their Parthian tactics, 257 ; 
their treatment of ambassadors, 
261 ; believe that the souls of 
those killed in battle ascend to 
heaven, 289 ; their notions of the 
Carnival, 290 ; their fast, ib, ; 
dislike to eat or drink standing, 
291 ; their endurance under the 
bastinado, 294 ; their reverent 
behaviour at their prayers, 303 ; 
impression made on them by the 
Spanish successes, 318 ; their ex- 
ultation at their victory, 319 ; 
their taunts of the prisoners, 322; 
how they treat prisoners, 326 ; 
their recklessness about infection, 
341 ; disturbed at Basilicus' in- 
vasion of Moldavia, 349 ; at din- 
ners carry off things for their 
wives and children, 375 ; their 
notions about predestination, 
341, 382-383 ; pray for Busbecq's 
conversion, 384 ; league against 
them suggested to divert the rest- 
less spirits of France, ii. 49 ; 
their victories over the Persians 
render them formidable, 243-244, 
and note ; offer to assist Navarre, 
257, and note 



T TZESf Due de, commands for 
^ the King at Aigues-Mortes, 
ii. 42 



jyARNA, battle of, L 407, and 
^ note 

Vattdemont^ Louise de, afterwards 
Queen of France, Henry III. in 



VUL' 
love with her, iL 32 ; about to 
marry her, 51 ; is a niece of 
Count Egmont, ib, ; Elizabeth's 
attendants ordered to enter her 
service, 52, and note ; no favour- 
ite with the Queen-Mother, 57 ; 
congratulated by Busbecq in 
Maximilian's name, 59 ; es- 
tranged from her husband, 
219 

Vaudemont^ Nicolas, Comte de, the 
King's father-in-law, a probable 
peacemaker, ii. 63 ; his arrival 
expected, 63, 70 ; at his son's mar- 
ri2^, 80; visits Montmorency 
and thinks him innocent, 91 

Veil Bey^ Sanjak-bey of Hatwan, 
his feud with Arskm Bey, i. 244 

Veltwick or Velduvic^ Gerard, 
ambassador of Charles V. to the 
Porte, L 79, and note ; his deten- 
tion by the Turks referred to, 263 

VenddnUy Cardinal de, brother of 
Cond^, Navarre's sequestrated 
property placed in his hands, ii. 
249 

Venddme^ Due de. See Henry IV. 

Venddmey House of, its position, ii. 40 

VendSnUy retaken by Navarre and 
the governor executed, ii. 254 

VendSme's sister Catherine, ru- 
mours of her intended marriage 
to Alencon, ii. 51, and note ; to 
the Duke of Savoy, 148, 194; 
to the Duke of Lorraine's son, 
163 ; to Cond^, 233 ; to Duke of 
Epemon, 242; her great pros- 
pects, 176 

Venetian Baily. See Baily 

Venetian goldsmith, adventure o 
a, i. 224 

Verdun^ town of, taken by Guise, ii. 
247 

VimiosOf the Count of, Don An- 
tonio's Constable, killed off the 
Azores, ii. 146 

Viteaux, the Baron de, a famous 
duellist, murders du Guast, ii. 
1 16, note ; account of his death, 
189-191, and ^^/^j 

VopiscuSf quoted, i. 214 

Vulcob, M. de, French Ambassador 
at Vienna, ii. 36, and note^ 85 ; 
arrangement by which Busbecq 



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INDEX TO THE LETTERS. 



341 



WEA 

received his salary through him, 
112,122 



TT/EASELS, stories of, i. 203 
r r IVranczy or Veran/ius, An- 
tony, Bishop of Fiinfkirchen, after- 
wards of Erlau and finally Arch- 
bishop of Gran, sent as ambas- 
sador to the Porte, i. 80 ; Bus- 
becq finds him at Constantino- 
ple, III 
IVyss, Albert de, comes with pre- 
sents from Ferdinand to the 
Sultan, i. 297 



ZUT 

FPRESy given up for lost, ii. 
194; still blockaded by Par- 
ma, 199 



ZAYy Francis, commander of 
the Danube flotilla known as 
Aassadesy afterwards governor of 
Kaschau, sent as ambassador to 
the Porte, i. 80 ; Busbecq finds 
him at Constantinople, 1 1 1 ; his 
fishing in the Halys, 145 
Zutphen, town in Gelderland, taken 
by^e Spaniards, ii. 208 



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